Introduction

Sentiment in the Army of the Potomac in April 1864 is similar to sentiment in the Army of the Potomac one year earlier in April 1863.  In both instances the army was poised on the brink of a new campaign with high morale and high expectations.  Both periods followed a long interval of rest, improved rations and army re-organization.  On both occasions army strength increased to numbers in the range of 120,000 effective men, and the soldiers had confidence in their new leaders.  In 1863 it was General Joseph Hooker, in command, a leader with a proven military record up to that time, which appealed to the soldiers.  Hooker’s leadership  resurrected army morale from its low point suffered during the muddled management of Ambrose Burnside’s short doleful tenure in command of the army.

 In the Spring of 1864 the soldiers had confidence in General Meade.  They were grateful he spared their lives at the risk of his own career when he called off the planned attack at Mine Run.  Meade realized, though under tremendous pressure from the Lincoln Administration to attack Lee, that his carefully planned maneuver had failed.  Rather than yield to political pressure he chose to spare his men from what would have been a bloody assault against strongly fortified enemy earthworks.  Instead, Gen. Meade quietly pulled his army back across the Rapidan River to safety before General Lee’s realized it.

For the most part the verdict was still out on General Grant.

The soldiers, after catching their first glimpse of the new Army Chief, one whom they knew had had a string of success out west, acknowledged  Grant’s  all-business like demeanor and determined expression.  But they withheld judgement of him until they could see how he performed against General Lee.  Though battle plans for the coming great advance were yet unknown, the Army of the Potomac would be marching over the same ground where General Hooker lost his nerve a year earlier.

In 1863 General Hooker’s Spring Campaign began with great success.  He carefully maneuvered his army in secrecy onto the enemy's flank.  Soldiers were in high spirits with hopes of striking a decisive blow against the Confederate Army.  But when General Lee’s audacious and aggressive response to the move surprised the Union Army commander he faltered.  The tangle of the Wilderness foliage around Chancellorsville swallowed him up.  Hooker seemed to have lost his nerve and lost an opportunity to strike a blow when battle conditions offered the chance.  He retreated and lost his opportunity.  The battle of Chancellorsville resulted in  17,304 Union Casualties.*

In late April 1864 morale conditions were much the same as a year earlier.  The great number of Confederate desertions during the winter created impressions of vulnerability in the Confederate Army.

Many veteran Union soldiers re-enlisted confident that the next battle, due to sheer manpower, would be a  decisive one for the cause.   They were mistaken.

Regarding the 13th Massachusetts, Colonel Leonard failed to generate enough of his veteran soldiers to re-enlist in order to keep the regiment in the field for another 3 years.  Likewise, neither did the veterans in the 12th Massachusetts or Ninth New York Militia re-enlist.  These 3 closely associated and hard fighting regiments, comprised mostly of men with better than average education,  determined they had had enough of army life.  They pledged to serve 3 years and they would honor that pledge, but they would go home when their term of enlistment was up in late June and early July respectively.  But how many more would sacrifice their lives to the cause before that day arrived?  That was the key question on their minds.

*Casualty statistics from The American Battlefield Trust.

What's On This Page

This is a comparatively short page.  It is a continuation of the previous post which grew too long and had to be divided.

The assignment of General Phil Sheridan to the command of the Army of the Potomac’s cavalry, would have great consequences, for the worse, in the opening battle of the Spring campaign.  This is not because the new officers were poor leaders, but they were inexperienced, a bit arrogant, and a bit neglectful of their assigned tasks.  The arrival of General Sheridan, opens the page.

Everyone awaited the opening moves of the coming season. Until the plans were drawn up and finalized, time was filled with routine activities and speculation of what was to come.  Contemplating the Coming Campaign is the title of this section.  It includes Gen. Grant telling a joke on General Banks, at Banks’ expense. Three soldier letters follow.  Charles Barber and James Ross, of the 104th NY and 9th NY respectively, ruminate on their future fortune within the service, and George Henry Hill (13th MA) declares that he is not convinced  that General Robert E. Lee is the great commander everyone says he is.

On April 26, the First Brigade broke camp.  The troops left the comfortable little village they built and lived in for four months and moved about 1 mile north.  They supposed it was to get them used to hard living again.  Excerpts from Alfred Roe, (39th MA) and Abner Small (16th Maine) add to Charles Davis, Jr.’s (13th MA) narrative. Private Sam Webster (pictured) and Corporal Calvin Conant respond to the move by carrying over materials from the old camp to make themselves as comfortable as possible.  Lt-Col. Charles H. Hovey and Major Elliot C. Pierce, are the new team of leaders in the 13th Regiment. Meanwhile, Brigade commander Colonel Samuel H. Leonard writes to the Governor of Massachusetts notifying him of the men he would like to see promoted in the 13th  regiment.  The Governor questions some of the choices.

April passes into “May, 1864” the title of the next section on this page.  The army would march May 4th. Everyone senses the time to advance is nigh.  Sergeant Warren Freeman (13th MA) tries to remain upbeat in a letter to his father. James Ross, (9th NY)  takes a guess as to the army’s current strength.  Sam Webster says his good-byes to the Yeager family and others he befriended while camped at Mitchell’s Station. His letter of 1913, describing his return to the area 50 years later is a highlight.  Sergeant Austin Stearns, in his memoirs, begins to give daily quotes from his diary, because the coming days are so frenetic and so engaging, its the best way, (for many) to document their activities.

Getting Ready to March is the next section. General Meade responds to General Grant’s logistical suggestions with an outline of steps taken to keep the army supplied while on the move.   John D. Billings, from his classic book on army life, “Hardtack & Coffee”  explains how cattle were driven along with the army on a march to keep men supplied with fresh beef.  A couple of historic photos taken in June 1864 at City Point Supply base, suggest without words, the huge effort necessary behind the scenes, to support the war effort.  Charles Davis Jr., in his history of the 13th Mass., printed some of the important communications between General Grant and General Butler, with General Grant’s overall strategy for a united war effort on all fronts.  General Meade is concerned that several regiment’s will soon muster out of the service, so he addresses the troops with orders to remain true until time is actually up.  Then the official marching orders are  issued.

Charles E. Davis, Jr. the regimental historian of the 13th Massachusetts Volunteers, pictured.

The last short section quotes from the journal of Colonel Charles Wainwright, now Chief of Fifth Corps Artillery.  Wainwright was invited to Corps Headquarters where General G. K. Warren briefed his division commanders on the army’s objectives.  Wainwright comments on the personalities of Gen. Warren and some of the division heads. His diary entry captures the energy and anticipation and immediate excitement of the army getting underway while it happens the night of May 4th.

Observation Reports from the Signal Station atop Garnett’s Mountain are sprinkled throughout the page.

SOURCES USED ON THIS PAGE

This page has a lot of short quotes from several Regimental Histories and other sources.  Rather than post the proper document title in front of the short quotes, I am just going to referenc their source. Several of the referenced works referenced are listed here.  Other sources will be noted when used.

For the 13th Mass. Vols:
“Three Years in the Army, Thirteenth Massachusetts Volunteers, 1861-1864” by Charles E. Davis, Jr; Estes & Lauriat, Boston, 1894.
 “Three Years in Company K,” by Sergeant Austin C. Stearns (deceased); Edited By Arthur A. Kent,  Associated University Press; 1976.
 “Diary of Calvin Conant” [Company G]; Miscellaneous Collection, Ridgeway Library, U.S. Army Heritage & Education Center, Carlisle, PA.
 “The Diary of Samuel D. Webster”[Company D]  (HM 48531) are used with permission from The Huntington Library, San Marino, CA.   ALSO transcripts of the original Field Diarys, from his family.
 “Letters from Two Brothers Serving in the War for the Union,”  Printed for Private Circulation, Cambridge, 1871. [Warren H. Freeman, Comany A, 13th M.V.I.].
Massachusetts State Archives, Executive Correspondence Collecton; 13th Massachusetts.

For the 16th Maine Vols.:
“The Sixteenth Maine Regiment in the War of the Rebellion 1861-1865,”  by Major A. R. Small; B. Thurston & company Portland, Maine 1886.
“The Road to Richmond,” by Major Abner R. Small, edited by Harold A. Small,  University of California Press, 1959.

For the 39th Mass. Vols.:
“The Thirty-ninth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers, 1862-1865;” by Alfred S. Roe, 1914.

For the 9th New York Militia, (83rd N.Y. Vol. Infantry); [2nd Brigade]:
“History of the Ninth Regiment N.Y.S.M.––N.G.S.N.Y. (Eighty-third N.Y. Volunteers.) 1845-1888”, by George A. Hussey, Edited by William Todd, 1889.
“Willing to Run the Risks; Letters from the Civil War, Private James Ross, 9th N.Y.S.M., Co. G, August 1863 –– May 1864.”

For the 104th New York Volunteer Infantry:
“The Civil War Letters of Charles Barber, Private, 104th New York Volunteer Infantry,” Edited by Raymond G. Barber & Gary E. Swinson, Torrance, CA 1991.

OTHER SOURCES:
“Ulysses S. Grant, Memoirs And Selected Letters;” Library of America, New York, 1990.
“The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-Genral United States Army” by George Meade, New York, 1913.
“Meade's Army; The Private Notebooks of Lt. Col. Theodore Lyman,”edited by David W. LoweKent State Univ. Press, 2007.
“A Diary of Battle, The Personal Journals of Colonel Charles S. Wainwright, 1861-1865;”  Edited by Allan Nevins; 1962.

PICTURE CREDITS:  All Images are from the LIBRARY OF CONGRESS DIGITAL COLLECTIONS with the following exceptions:   The banner image of soldiers in camp is Frank Leslie's Illustrated History of the Civil War; accessed digitally on the Internet Archive at [https://archive.org/details/importantevents00franrich];   Portraits of Tom Prince, Charles Lang, Charles H. Hovey & Elliot C. Pierce are from, U.S. Army Heritage Education Center, Carlilsle, PA, MASS MOLLUS Collection;  The old photo of Cedar Mountain and the Yeager House was downloaded from The Wisonsin Historical Society, the picture was not dated.;   Edwin Forbes engraving “Washingt Day” is from his book, “Thirty Years After, An Artist’s Memoir of the Civil War” Louisiana State University Press, 1993;  The Charles Reed sketch of the scratching soldier, can be found at the Library of Congress under “Charles Wellington Reed Papers.”;  Other Reed sketches, “Roll Call”,  “Cattle Drover” & “The Last Steer” are from Hardtack & Coffee, by John D. Billings;  “Target Practice,” is from  Harper's Weekly, found digitally at sonofthesouth.net ;  Portrait of Warren Freeman is from  “Letters from Two Brothers Serving in the War for the Union,”  Printed for Private Circulation, Cambridge, 1871.[digital copy available at LOC;   Portrait of James Ross, "9th NY" is from “Willing to Run the Risks; Letters from the Civil War, Private James Ross, 9th N.Y.S.M., Co. G, August 1863 –– May 1864.”  (A digital copy can be found on-line);  Portrait of Austin C. Stearns is from his memoir, “Three Years With Company K” ed. by Arthur Kent, Assoc. Univ. Press, 1976;  I cannot recall where the portrait of Major Abner Small was found but the picture of "Major's House" is from the WPA Survey of Historic Properties, found in the Local History Room of the Culpeper Public Library, Culpeper, VA;  Illustration of Camp Equipments is by Jack Coggins in his book "Arms and Equipment of the Civil War" Dover Publications, 1962; accessed at the Internet Archive; Color Panoramic Photos by the author, Bradley M. Forbush.  ALL IMAGES HAVE BEEN EDITED IN PHOTOSHOP.

Return to Table of Contents

General Phil Sheridan Takes Command of the Cavalry

General Alfred Pleasonton, & General Phil Sheridan.

Major-General Phil Sheridan is Assigned Command of the Cavalry Corps

Colonel Wainwright discussed changes in the cavalry command ordered by General Grant, in his April 10 journal entry.  Concerning General Phil Sheridan's appointment to command the Army of the Potomac Cavalry Corps, General Grant wrote in his memoirs:

“In one of my early interviews with the President I expressed my dissatisfaction with the little that had been accomplished by the cavalry so far in the war, and the belief that it was capable of accomplishing much more than it had done if under a thorough leader.  I said I wanted the very best man in the army for that command.  Halleck was present and spoke up, saying:  “How would Sheridan do?”  I replied:  “The very man I want.”  The President said I could have anybody I wanted.  Sheridan was telegraphed for that day, and on his arrival was assigned to the command of the cavalry corps with the Army of the Potomac.  This relieved General Alfred Pleasonton.  It was not a reflection on that officer, however, for I did not know but that he had been as efficient as any other cavalry commander.” *

General Meade wrote his wife, March 24th:

“This evening an order has arrived relieving General Pleasonton, which, although I did not originate it, yet was, I presume, brought about by my telling the Secretary that the opposition I had hitherto made to his removal I no longer should make.  As the Secretary has been desirous of relieving him ever since I have had command, and I have been objecting, he has taken the first chance to remove him as soon as my objections were withdrawn.”

Orders from the President

General Sheridan Takes Command

Report on the Condition of the Cavalry Corps

General Sheridan had his new command inspected to see what kind of shape the Cavalry Corps was in just before active campaigning resumed.  The lengthy report (quoted below) commented on all the different Brigades and Regiments in the three Cavlary Divisions.  This brief excerpt highlights Brigadier-General Merritt's Reserve Division, which was responsible for the constant Cavalry patrols along the Rapidan River, South of Cedar Mountain, and up towards Madison, VA.  The hard riding caused by constant patrols wore out horses, which were hard to come by in 1864, and a valuable commodity in the Union Armies..  There was a shortage of fresh horses at this time.

Sheridan's Recommendations Following the Report

In order to rest horses and  get them into better condition for the coming campaign, General Sheridan drastically reduced the amount of patrolling done by the cavalry.

On April 20, General Meade relieved the tired Cavalry pickets on General Sheridan's suggestion, and repleced them with small infantry detachments.  Alfred Roe, historian of the 39th Mass. Vols. took note when the cavalry moved.  The objective was to rest the horses, a point Roe misinterpreted.

From Alfred S. Roe, 39th Mass:
          The Cavalry had been even more active, if possible, than  the Infantry during the winter and General Sheridan commented on the lean and hungry look of the horses when he reached the army, but in spite of leanness, this branch was the first to move –– some said it had not stopped moving, –– and on the 23rd, one man wrote, “The Cavalry moved out to-day” and, could he have foreseen the service that the restless “Little Phil” was to exact from the horse-men, doubtless he had written more at length.  He also entered in that same journal, “The covering of our chapel was taken off to-day, so I suppose our meetings are over.” 

Another change to the Army of the Potomac Cavalry Corps

General Sheridan poses with his cavalry commanders.  Left to right, Generals Henry E. Davies, David McMurtrie Gregg, Wesley Merritt, Alfred Torbert, and James H. Wilson. Generals Torbert ad Wilson were new to Cavalry commands.  Only General Gregg was experienced at the top level of cavalry command in the Eastern Theatre.

When General Grant came east, he offered General James Harrison Wilson command of the 3rd Cavalry Division in the Army of the Potomac, which was Jusdon Kilpatrick's Command.  General Kilpatrick's ill-fated Raid to Richmond seriously tarnished his military standing.  To make matters worse for him, the Confederates found papers on Kilpatrick's wing commander, Colonel Ulrich Dahlgren's dead body, ordering the death of Jeff Davis and his cabinet, when the Raiders entered Richmond.  These papers were now big news, embarrassing the Lincoln Administration.  So Kilpatrick was replaced by Wilson.   Kilpatrick went West to command a cavalry division in General Sherman's Army.

Wilson had an impressive record thus far.  He graduated West Point in 1860.  “Late in 1862 he was sent west to join the army of Maj. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant, forming a friendship with the general that first bore fruit when Wilson was promoted to staff lieutenant-colonel and appointed inspector general of the Army of Tennessee.  Wilson was active thoughout the Vicksburg Campaign of 1863, received his promotion to brigadier-general October 30, 1863, and was with Grant during the battles that secured Chattanooga in November.” ^#1

He would continue to build an illustrious record.  Unfortunately his unfamiliarity with the country in eastern theatre of battle, combined with his newness to cavalry command, would have disastrous effects for the Army's coming Advance. His 3rd Cavalry Division was assigned to screen the advance of the 5th and 6th Corps across the Rapidan, and he left them un-protected, without any pickets along the Orange Turnpike the night of May 4th.^#2

NOTES:  1.  Charles M. Spearman entry on James Harrison Wilson, (p. 832-33); Historical Times Illustrated Encyclopedia of the Civil War; ed. by Patricia L. Faust, Harper & Row, N.Y., 1986.
2,  Gordon C. Rhea, The Battle of the Wilderness, May 5––6, 1864, (p. 74); Louisiana State University Press, 1994.

Return to Table  of Contents

Late April;  Contemplating the Coming Campaign

Report From The Signal Station At Garnett's Peak

General Grant tells a joke on General N. P. Banks

Lt-Col. Theodore Lyman, General Mead's  volunteer aid, entered the following story in his notebook, April 23, 1864.

April 23, Saturday.

Rode to Culpeper with the Gen. [Meade} & Stanley, who was introduced to Gen. Grant.  We took a one o’clock dinner with the Commander.  It was plain but good; soup, fish, 2 meats, 3 vegetables & a pudding with coffee.  There were the staff at table, including Capt. Parker the Indian, who is chief of his tribe.

Grant drinks no wine or spirit; the moment the last man was through he rose.  He is a very still, steady man, but evidently  enjoyed a pleasant joke. He also makes quiet, sarcastic remarks, without moving a line of his face. He said (referring to Bank’s late fight on the Red River, where he lost 20 guns and some thousands of prisoners, though he at last drove the enemy back) that “Banks’ victories were of a kind that three or four of them would ruin anybody.”  He added that “there were some Generals who had not enough patriotism to resign.”

It was warm today––one thermometer said 80º in the shade––with a wind that raised clouds of dust.

April 23;  Letter of Charles Barber, 104th New York

Cedar Mountain Va April 23 – 1864

My Dear wife and children  

I am well excepting the ague headache   I have no particular news to write.    the rebs keep coming into our picket line to give themselves up   they are sick and tired  of the war and think their cause is a failure.  if I should reinlist for three years longer I could go in as Captain or Lieutenant in a negro regt. but I have no inclination to go.  I was offered a sergeant rank for the rest of my time here but I do not want it   my time is so near out I had rather be pioneer and I am afraid the love of office and the love [of] money and the love of whiskey and the love of the cohabiting with abandoned women and other kindred vices is doing more to injure our cause than all the rebel army.  

It would take millions of dollars to pay the damage the abandoned women have ben to our Government;  hospitals are filled with soldiers and officers (getting larg pay)  sick with diseases contracted at the houses of ill fame and thousands of them have never been in the field nor never will be  but still drawing their large salary    there is such a vast amount of iniquity and corruption of all kinds in the army and navy and among the civil officers and citizens that I am afraid that a God of justice is not yet quite ready to allow our cause to triumph;   although the south may be far more guilty than the north    

still I do not look for peace till the north is so far reformed as to be willing and anxious to do full moral justice on all points and principles involved in this war and I shall not be surprised if before this war is fully settled that it may be carried in to Mexico where the final struggle between Monarchy and Democracy over the Continent of North America may take place. 

We hope for peace but we need a reformation first then peace must follow as a natural consiquence.   but the end is not yet and I am afraid it is still farther in the future than we could wish.   Still all we can do is to do our duty;  I have never been sorry I enlisted.   I still calculate to do my duty even though it may lead me to a bloody grave and if our country fails I to shall fall under its crushing weight.  but it will not fail

let A B and C read this

Charles Barber

let Alfred Stryker read this

Illustration of target practice excercises in the army.  Ironically the troops would be shooting blind in the upcoming Battle of the Wilderness.

Letter of James Ross, "9th N.Y. Militia" Genral Henry Baxter's Brigade

James's regiment was camped a little northwest of Culpeper out on the Sperryville road.

From: “Willing to Run the Risks; Letters from the Civil War, Private James Ross, 9th N.Y.S.M., Co. G, August 1863 –– May 1864.”

 Culpepper, Va         
April 17th 23rd 1864rm

 Dear Father:

        I take this opportunity of answering yours of the 17^th recd. two days ago.  This is a most beautiful morning.  I sit with the tent curtains open to let in the air, writing in my shirt.  The sunshine outside is warm & very pleasant not too hot, a person can lie down out on the ground today & enjoy himself thoroughly.  The grass is getting green & fresh the fruit trees have been in blossom for some days. All the farm yards are pink with the peach blossoms and the garden borders in the village are full of early flowers but the trees are nearly bare of leaves and will be so for some time yet. They grow here very slowly indeed.

We have been up since half past five this morning this is our regular hour for rising. We go to bed at nine & get up at half past five so you see that we keep good hours. The first move every morning is to get breakfast then we go to the brook and have a wash each. Then back to the shanty and wash the dishes, hang out the blankets to air and fix up things generally, then comes a period till drill time which each man uses as he sees fit.  I have just finished cleaning my bayonet and am now writing to you.   I will finish this letter by drill time.

We have the calls for service as follows now Revillie at half past five. this means roll call all the men have to answer to their names in the street to show that they are up.  Fifteen minutes after rollcall is the call to police. Then the men must turn out, clean around their quarters and sweep the street. The camp is kept as all camps are   very neat and clean, all refuse is put into piles and carted away and sinks are dug for the men to use which are filled with earth every little while and new ones sunk. Fifteen minutes after police call comes the sick call when the ailing ones go to the doctor.  Half an hour after, breakfast call sounds.  At half past eight guard is mounted.  At half past nine drill call sounds.

Our drill is as follows in the morning:   Monday Wednesday & Friday company drill. Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday target shooting. We fire while shooting about twenty rounds each. The targets are set up at about one hundred and thirty yards and I think that the shooting is pretty good. That is for our rifles for it must be borne in mind that there is a great difference between them crack rifles at home    all the balls strike at the foot of, around, or very near the target except those that strike in it and they are not few.   It is quick work loading and in a very little while you find yourself out of ammunition. We come in from drill or shooting at half past eleven   dinner call sounds at half past twelve. Then comes afternoon drill.

 On Monday, Wednesday & Friday at half past two battalion drill for two hours on Tuesday & Thursday brigade drill for three hours   there is general policing of the camp for Saturday afternoon instead of drill. At sunset comes dress parade & this finishes the day   roll call comes with tattoo of at nine in the evening and then we go to bed.

Charles Reed Sketch of Evening Roll Call.

You see that we have a good deal of time that we are not on duty through the day but we have cooking to do, wood to bring a long distance, water to fetch, mending and cleaning of guns to look to besides being on guard quite often and going on picket every little while for two or three days.

There are no rumors of a move yet.  No one will can tell when it will come but the sooner now the better I will like it.  I am tired of inactivity and find that my health is better on the march and that I am more contented.  Camp life does not agree with me.  I weighed myself the other day and found that I weighed only 144 Lbs. against about 160 last fall.  I am pretty well as it is but none of us save a few are as hearty as we were last fall & summer while marching.

In regard to the book that I wanted.  I sent you the title in substance though I do not know that it was correctly worded.  I will tell you why I wanted it.  I think that with a few weeks study if I had the time and perseverance that I might fit myself for an examination before Casey’s board as an officer for colored troops  had I had the work last fall I would have been fit for examination now.  It is getting late now and there are so many applicants ahead that I fear by the time I get ready that my chance will be small.

However if I am to remain three years in the service something might come of it and at all events I want a book of tactics.  I can get it carried when we march and have it always at hand and whether I claim an examination or not the knowledge gained will be of service to me.

The work that they showed you in Hartford in three volumes is the standard for white troops the one that I desire is a revision of this work by Casey made especially for those who desire to fit themselves for examination. The two first volumes are bound in one as we do not need the third.   Please send it if you can.

Your affectionate son
            J. Ross.

Memoirs of Major Abner Small, 16th Maine; Ghosts of Virginia

Pictured is the Major House.  The abandoned brick building still stands on the west slope of Cedar Mountain, surrounded by trees and foliage.  It is only barely visible from modern Route 15 in the winter months when the trees are bare.  But for the most part it is very hard to see.  The family that owns the property suggested this structure was rebuilt directly after the Civil War.  This poorly cropped photo was taken in the  1930'sas part of the government sponsored Works Progress Administration survey of historic properties.

The following passage is from “The Road to Richmond” by Major Abner R. Small, edited by Harold Adams Small; Univ. of California Press 1939. (p. 129 - 130).

  March went out like a drowned lamb, and April floated in like another; yet between rains there were lovely spring days, and Chaplain Balkam and I took frequent rides.

Once, I recall, he suggested that we should pay our respects to a Mrs. Major, who lived near Cedar Mountain.  I was not pleasantly impressed with our reception;  our proffers of sugar and coffee were gracefully declined.  We knew that nothing could have been more welcome in that house than coffee;  but Yankees bearing gifts were not welcome, and we were turned away.  Soon after we left, we saw a young woman of the family fighting a fire, which was running rapidly over a dry field and threatening the fences and buildings.  We dismounted and offered to assist, but were told with the utmost scorn that our help would not be acceptable.  She said we had better ride on.  She made a handsome figure in her shortened skirts, her head bare, cheeks red, and eyes flashing.  We rode on with a sigh.

We visited the next house, and went in;  the chaplain appeared determined to make a round of calls.  He introduced himself, and after some attempts at general conversation, which was all uphill work for him, he asked if he should offer prayer.  There was no answer that I heard;  but he knelt down, cleared his throat, and opened up to the Lord the necessity of helping the Union cause, and then besought Him to grant unto the family, there present, patience and reconciliation to the hardships of war.  I wished to show respect to the occasion;  yet I couldn’t help watching, through half-closed eyes, that family group.  It was made up, I guessed, of a married woman, her aged father, and her children;  her husband, no doubt, was in the rebel army.  The faces of the old man and the woman were sad and fearful, and sharp with hope long deferred.  The children showed a half-frightened curiosity.  It was a stiff reception they gave us, and we had no right to expect anything different.  I felt that our intrusion was unwelcome, almost an insult.  It was plain that the family was in urgent need, yet I couldn’t make to these proud poor the usual presents of coffee and sugar; their eyes forbade me.  As the chaplain and I rode back to camp, I was downcast, while he wore a happy expression of having done his duty with faith that the Lord would do the rest.

Another day, the chaplain, Captain Conley, and I rode to the signal station on Cedar Mountain.  I felt a sudden lightening of the heart as we went up.  For a moment I was happy in the foolish and wonderful certainty that where we were going there would be no war nor memory of war, no troubling dreams, no dread of returning to the land of agony.  A little higher, and we should be rising lightly into a region that we had never quite ceased to hope might be above us.  I almost saw the glow of it brightening.  Perhaps it was only sunlight among the trees.  When we got to the top of the hill there was nothing but the signal station and the view.

Away on every side spread a broken country, shaggy with forest and thicket, creased with many watercourses, and dotted sparsely with hamlets and the clearings of lonely farms.  I saw it green and smiling with spring; and I looked away, because it was grinning with dreadful ghosts.  The chaplain didn’t see any ghosts.  He was pointing out the beauties of nature and the tented field. 

Far along the northwestern horizon rose the hazy splendor of the Blue Ridge.

This is the view to the north west from the southern prominence of Cedar Mountain, that Major Small beheld.  Thoroughfare Mountain, near Madison Court-House, is the darker promontory in the center.  It was often a signal station for both Union and Confederate Armies.

Nearer, to the northeast, perhaps we could discern where the Rappahannock wandered.  Miles away to the east, we knew, it was joined by the swifter waters of the Rapidan, tumbling up from the south.  Beyond the Rapidan and below the Rappahannock was the vast green covert of the Wilderness.  It was lovely with the careless innocence of nature; Yet I remembered that in lonely hollows under those trees lay horrors of  charred bones and rotting flesh.  Only last spring we were at Chancellorsville.

I was there again; it was dreadfully quiet;  from under a haggard pine a grey and sunken face was starting at me emptily.  I started, and heard the chaplain rattling on.  Where he was pointing now, to the north, were the Union caps;  but every detail of them I could see with my eyes shut. 

We turned to the southeast and looked at the camps of the enemy, just across the Rapidan.  We gazed through powerful glasses mounted on a frame, and the roses of rebel tents and huts and the soldiers on guard duty were brought so near that it seemed we might touch them.

 

View south to the Rapidan from the spur of Cedar Mountain.

We saw men lounging in their shirt sleeves and smoking their pipes, and talking, very likely, of home;  and others playing ball.  Captain Conley, after watching the ball game a while, turned to me and said solemnly:

“My God, Adjutant, they’re human beings just like us!”

Corporal Calvin Conant followed a different itninery than most of the 13th Regiment, as his company was posted headquarter's guard throughout the Winter Encampment.  On April 21st he also visited the Signal Station on Cedar Mountain, with comrades John Brightwell and John Best.

Diary of Calvin Conant:
        Saturday, April 23, 1864.
        Plesant day  I am of duty   the day is a lousy lonesome one   I am doing some washing & fixing up the old Canteen  I found up on the Mountain  Capt Hovey takes comand of the Reg   the Sutler come up to night   is over in Brigade Hd Qrts

Sunday, April 24, 1864.
        Plesant day I am on duty   Inspection at 9 this morning 

Diary of Sam Webster:
        Saturday, April 23rd, 1864.
        Went to Culpeper on a pass –– also on cars.  ––The Cavalry Division was moved back about a mile.

Sunday, April 24th, 1864.   Went out to 88th Penna.  Saw Sands, Billy Hill of 9th N.Y. and others.  Saw Lt. Hoke and Sam Caskie at Depot as I came away.  Stopped overnight with Tom Prince, who is in the Adjutant Gen’ls office, Corps Hdq’rs. (Field Diary adds): Several Generals have been around today.

Pictured at right is Private Tom Prince of Company D, 13th Mass., who has waited a long time to get his portrait posted on this website.  He is standing with George W. French, Company H, 12th Mass. Vols.  Sam Webster mentions tenting with Tom Prince and Joe Kelly, at the regiment's camp near Brooks Station, (near Fredericksburg)  November 30th, 1862.  Tom Prince was age 19 when he enlisted in the Spring of 1861.  He was wounded May 4th, 1863 in the Chancellorsville Campaign.  He may have had an older brother in the regiment, because there is a Hezekiah Prince, also from Boston, in Company D.  Tom listed his occupation as brass-finisher, and Hezekiah was a machinist.  Hezekiah mustered out in August 1863.  Tom Prince served 3 years.  Here are the records from the 13th Regiment Roster on the two soldiers.

HEZEKIAH PRINCE.; age, 23; born, Boston; machinist; mustered in as priv., Co. D, Aug. 7, '62; mustered out, Aug. 27, '63;  residence. East Boston, Mass.

THOMAS PRINCE; age, 19; born, Boston; brass-finisher; mustered in as priv., Co. D, July 16, '61 mustered out, Aug. 1, '64; wounded, May 4, '63; residence, Chicago, III.

Letter of George Henry Hill,  April 24, 1864
    Will Grant make Lee "Throw Up The Sponge?"

Quotable George Henry, likes the changes he sees in army leadership and is as ready and optimistic about the Army of the Potomac's chances in the coming campaigns as he ever was.  He wonders if Confederate General Lee will prove himself a second Napoleon, or if General Grant will make him “throw up the sponge!”

Diary of Calvin Conant:
        Saturday, April 25, 1864.  Pleasant day  last night was showery

Diary of Sam Webster:
        Saturday, April 25th, 1864.  Orders to move camp.  Wrote home and to Keener.  Sent pair of gloves home.  Visit Yeager's  then  good-bye.  Rain last night.

Reports From The Signal Station At Garnett's Peak

Return to Table of Contents

Packing Up

Illustration by Arthur Lumley of “Soldiers Breaking Camp.”  The brigades  moved out of their comfortable winter quarters on April 26th.   Grant later remarked in his memoirs that at the start of the Spring Campaign he was surprised to find the paths of the march littered with tossed away clothing, because he had ordered the army to pack up in preparation for a move weeks earlier.

From Alfred S. Roe, 39th Mass: 
        Dismantiling was the order of Sunday, the 24th, and unroofed cabins lost their homelike look.  The move of the 26th looked much like an abandonment of our long time camp and the beginning of active warfare, for the whole brigade, leaving the old camp behind, crossed Cedar Run and, at a point a mile away from the former stopping place, pitched its shelter tents in column by companies, the thirty-ninth Regiment being on the right.  Some went back to their old quarters to bring thence boards to help out their sleeping facilities.  By this change of camp, it was expected to free the men from all surplus stuff and at the same time, to re-inure them to the hardships of active campaigning.

The remaining days of April were uneventful, given to parades, inspections, and drills, wherein knapsacks figured largely, thus testing the endurance of the soldiers and on the 30th, Saturday, the Regiment was mustered for two months’ pay;  March and April.

The following short entry is from, The Sixteenth Maine Regiment in the War of the Rebellion 1861-1865; By Major A. R. Small Published for the Regimental Association by B. Thurston & company Portland, Maine 1886.

April 26.  Broke camp and moved across Cedar Run, half a mile up the railroad, in order to get rid of all surplus baggage, and accustom ourselves to sleeping on the ground, preparatory to field duty. The formation of the regiment during the campaign was as follows:  C, H, B, D, G, I, A, K, E, F.

From Charles E. Davis, Jr., Three Years in the Army (13th Mass.).
        Tuesday, April 26.  We broke up our winter quarters and marched a short distance across Cedar Run to a hill near by, and after dark moved again to the right of the camp of the Thirty-ninth and  pitched our shelters.

The officers were again notified to reduce the quantity of their luggage, but the rank and file as usual were allowed to carry an unlimited amount. As our comrades, the substitutes who left us to seek for glory on the high seas, had stolen about everything we had but the pediculus humanus, we had little trouble in keeping within the bounds of prudence.

Diary of Sam Webster, 13th Mass.:
        Tuesday, April 26th, 1864.  Move camp across Cedar Run, and on hill between a house and the R. R.  (Field diary adds):  Very warm in day and cool at night.  No letters.

Wednesday, April 27th, 1864.   Build a tent for Sawer and myself.  Make the sides of an old tent cloth, and build a bed in it.  (Field diary adds):  Build new house on North side of Cedar Run.  Visit Mr. Yeager's in evening.  Brigade drill.

April 28.  (From the field diary):  Drew snare head.  Brigade drill.  Three of the 90th [PA] Drummers are arrested by Provost Guard for misconduct at drill after Guard Mounting.

Diary of Calvin Conant, 13th Mass.:
        Tuesday, April 26, 1864.    Very pleasant day  I am on guard we move camp to day about 2 miles nearer to Culpeper close by whare the Cavilry wer en Camped    lugging boards & fixing up tents had to pick Hd Qrts & see to the loading & Carrying over 

In a letter dated May 2nd,  Sergeant Warren H. Freeman wrote:   “We changed camp last Tuesday;  [April 26] we moved about three quarters of a mile into an open field.  We have knapsack drills;  I suppose the design is to get the men used to carrying them before we march. We can see the rebels drilling across the river; they have been fortifying the hills for some time.

Calvin Conant, cont'd:
        Wednesday, April 27, 1864.    Plesant day I am of duty feel tired every body is at work fixing up tents  Brigad drill this afternoon   Looks like rain

Thursday, April 28, 1864.  Plesant day I am on duty drill  fore and after noon Vets go to be examined(?) to day

Letter, April 28:  Colonel Leonard to Governor John Andrew, Regarding Promotions

Colonel Leonard sent in a new round of suggested promotions among his officers.  The Governor's Office however, questioned some of the suggestions.

The New Team

Pictured are Charles H. Hovey and Elliot C. Pierce, the new Lieutenant-Colonel and Major, respectively, of the 13th Mass. Volunteers.  It is likely no two men were more deserving of their promotions to higher office in the regiment. Hovey started out as 1st Lieutenant of Company D, one of the Boston Companies, that comprised the “4th Battalion of Rifles.”  When Company K suddenly needed a new captain Hovey filled the position.  Sergeant Austin C. Stearns of that company, never failed to praise Hovey's leadership when he wrote his memoirs, and also did so in several post-war writings.  Elliot Pierce's career is outlined on this website.  See the March (part 1) 1864 page of the Winter Encampment.  Pierce was a good friend of Colonel Leonard, and a late comer to the regiment.  Not being able to fill an officer's commission, when the regiment was organized,  he was appointed Sergeant-Major and was seemingly promised promotion as soon as a chance was available.  Other officers noticed and commented on this, but without holding judgement.  Pierce proved himself a worthy appointment.

The Governor of Massachusetts Wasn't Sure About Approving This Request...

Attached to Colonel Leonard's letter above, were the following notes that were passed around the Governor's Office back home in Boston.  Governor John Andrew wasn't sure that Colonel Leonard hadn't skipped or passed over some other lieutenants that were next in line for the promotion, so he asked Major William Rogers Assistant Adjutant General, of his staff, to look into it.

May 2:  Note from Major William Rogers to Governor John Andrew

Major Rogers worked out the line of promotions and responded to Governor Andrew, and Lt.-Col. C.H. Hovey.

Colonel Leonard had good reasons for promoting the officers named, but he failed to explain that to the Governor, and the Governor, trying to be fair, questioned the choices. Colonel Leonard had skipped over two men because they were absent from the regiment.  Sam Cary, was a prisoner of war since Gettysburg, and Robert Henderson was on detached duty, not to return.  Lieutenant Welles was a clerk and not fit for line command. I am unsure why Damrell was passed over.   But, by the time this response from the Governor's office reached Lt.-Col. Charles Hovey, the 13th Regiment had gone through the battles of the Wilderness and Spotsylvania. When Hovey replied to it on May 20th , both Lieutenants slated to be promoted captains, Charles Whitcomb and Joe Stuart, were killed.  Not to say they didn't act as captains during the Overland Campaign.

Officer Assignments

Report From The Signal Station At Garnett's Peak

(Field) Diary of Sam Webster:
        April 29.  Make table.  Regiment on picket.  Got pair of shoes last night.  Cold last night.

April 30.  Mustered for  pay.

Diary of Calvin Conant:
        Friday, April 29, 1864.   Plesant day but the wind blows cold the Reg have gone on Picket took every body they could scrape  only left 3 Ordilles for the next 1 - 3 days  the 2 Johns & my self this is rough on us I hear we was to move to day  [Corporals John Brightwell & John Best, of Co. G, are the two Johns.]

April 30, 1864.   Plesant day I am on duty   as used we did not have to stand  last night   to day we are mustered for Pay (Mar & April) by Capt Hovey    Jones [Llewellyn Jones, Co. G] gone out to releave Lang whose discharge has come  [Charles H. Lang]  comes in from Picket and goes to Washington on the train   he is Commissioned 2d Lieut in the 59 Mass.

Report From The Signal Station At Garnett's Peak

Return to Table of Contents

MAY 1864

Diary of Calvin Conant, cont'd:
         Sunday, May 1, 1864.  Very hot day   I am on duty   we draw Soft bread to night nothing gone on in Camp

Diary of Sam Webster:
        Sunday, May 1st 1864.   Got a pass, and went on a tramp with Ross, of Co. C., and Alden of  D.  [William Ross & Selah B. Alden].  Went across the battlefield and around the foot of the mountain to a house where we had some milk, etc.  Came back via the “Cedars” on Early’s position to Hudson’s, where we stopped awhile to talk to Sam Seabury of Co. C., who is “safeguard,”  and to Miss Mary Hudson, the old gentleman’s granddaughter.  Had a pleasant day –– but warm.

Front & Back View of the Hudson House

The Hudson House Sam visited, where Samuel Seabury of the 13th Mass., was Safe Guard, was Major-General John Pope's Headquarters following the Battle of Cedar Mountain, August 9, 1862.  A few days after the battle photographer Timothy O'Sullivan was on scene.  O'Sullivan took the photograph of Mrs. Hudson's Cabbage patch in the back yard, which was amazingly un-touched by the soldiers during the battle.  Not long after the photo of the front of the house was taken when Herman Haupt came to visit General Pope to discuss management of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad.

The soldiers mentioned in Sam Webster's Journal are William Ross, Company C; Selah B. Alden, Company D, and Samuel F. Searbury, Company K. It will be noted in the records below, Ross & Alden would both soon die.

I rarely break the chronology of events on this website, but in this case I will make an exception. Following the records from the roster of the men mentioned, is an interesting letter Sam wrote to his comrades in 1913, when he relates how he again visited these sites, 50 years later.

WILLIAM ROSS; age, 19; born. Providence, R.I.; tuner; mustered in as priv., Co. C, July 16, '61; mustered out, Aug. 1, '64; residence, 68 Wesleyan Avenue, Providence, R.I.   SELAH B. ALDEN ; age, 28; born, Lynn, N.H.; cordwainer; mustered in as priv., Co. D, July 22, '61; died of wounds received, May 25, '64; promoted to Corp., April 26, '64.

SELAH B. ALDEN ; age, 28; born, Lynn, N.H.; cordwainer; mustered in as priv., Co. D, July 22, '61; died of wounds received, May 25, '64; promoted to Corp., April 26, '64.

SAMUEL F. SEABURY ; age, 20; born. New Castle, Me.; clerk; mustered in as priv., Co. C, July 16, '61; mustered out as Corp., Aug. 1, '64; taken prisoner at Spotsylvania Court House, May, '64; residence, Waltham, Mass.

Cedar Mountain, 1862.  The photo shows Reverend Philip Slaughter's House up on the ridge to the left.  Confederate Artillery was posted near the home, protected by two Confederate Brigades.  But the infantry battle was fought further to the right of this image, out of view.

Letter of Sam Webster, December 10, 1914.

The following letter was printed in Thirteenth Regiment Association Circular, #27, December, 1914.

The Yeager House

The picture above, is labeled “Cedar Mountain Battlefield, Culpeper, Virginia.”  It was found in the collection of the Wisconsin Historical Society and posted at their website, wisconsinhistory.org.  The date the image was taken is unknown but it is a post-war image more contemporary to Sam Webster's time.  The Yeager house is directly in the center, with Cedar Mountain behind.  This view is on the opposite side of the mountain pictured in the image above.

Letter of Warren H. Freeman, May 2nd 1864

Warren estimates the strength of the 13th Mass. Vols, as “not over 200 rifles.” In the letter below he references his brother Eugene, who was serving in the merchant marine during the war.  Warren may have written this letter home thinking it might be his last.  But fate spared him.  His next letter home was written two weeks later, after several big battles.  What must his parents have thought during that interval, when lengthy casualty lists appeared in the daily papers?  We do have examples, but more on that later.

From “Letters from Two Brothers Serving in the War for the Union,”  Printed for Private Circulation, Cambridge, 1871.

Camp of the Thirteenth Regiment Mass. Vols.,
                                            Mitchell’s Station, May 2, 1864.

Dear Father, –– I believe I have but one letter from you to acknowledge this time, that of April 26;  was glad to learn that you are all in quite good health.

I received a letter from Frances last night; she says Eugene has been to Newbern and back in nine days, and has started back again.  He met with Mr. P. F. Dodge.

We changed camp last Tuesday; we moved about three quarters of a mile into an open field.  We have knapsack drills;  I suppose the design is to get the men used to carrying them before we march. We can see the rebels drilling across the river; they have been fortifying the hills for some time.

I presume Grant has as large an army as he can well handle, and exceeds that of the enemy by a few thousand men.  It embraces four full corps, –– the second, commanded by Major-general Hancock;  the fifth, commanded by Major-general Warren;  the sixth, commanded by Major-general Sedgwick;  and the ninth, commanded by Major-general Burnside.  The cavalry are commanded by Major-general Sheridan.  But all the advantages are on their side, for they are protected behind fortifications, entrenchments, and rifle pits –– and we are to be the attacking party along the whole line.  Should we force them back from their first line of works, I suppose they have a second line to occupy and defend;  but we will know all about it very soon, for to judge from what is going on around here the forward movement is to be made immediately.  We have not over 200 rifles in the regiment now, and two thirds of the brave hearts who bear them will no doubt in this campaign be laid low;  but you must tell mother not to be unduly concerned about me.  Several times the regiment has dwindled down even below this number and I have come out safe;  may I not put my trust in the same good Providence in the future as in the past ?

The “Army of the Potomac” is now commanded by a general who has never known defeat.  Opposed to him is the first general in the rebel service with a veteran army of more than 90,000 men.  Who can predict the results of the impending contest?

Probably you may not hear from me again for weeks;  but that alone need not alarm you, as we probably shall have no opportunity to send off letters, even if we have any facilities for writing;  but depend upon it I will let no chance pass without writing, if I send but five lines..

I will now bid farewell to all.

From your affectionate son,                              Warren

Letter of James Ross, May 2nd (9th NY)

This is the last letter from James received by his family.

From: “Willing to Run the Risks; Letters from the Civil War, Private James Ross, 9th N.Y.S.M., Co. G, August 1863 –– May 1864.”

There was a terrific windstorm May 2nd

My friend, historian & author, Michael Block, tells me a violent windstorm raged through Virginia on May 2nd, and asked if any of the soldiers I studied commented on it?  I have experienced such a heavy wind storm once while living here, and the aftermath left felled trees everywhere.  Sam Webster's “A hard blow,” was the strongest term used to describe the storm.  Austin Stearns' diary entry termed it “a squall of wind and rain,” but he elaborates in his memoirs, saying, “all our tents blew over and we were nearly drowned out.”

Diary of Sam Webster:
        Monday, May 2nd 1864.    Found a pocket book –– only contained $1.00.  Rain, and hard blow.

Tuesday, May 3rd, 1864.   Battalion drill with knapsacks.

Diary of Calvin Conant:
        Monday, May 2, 1864.    Plesant day  I am on duty the Reg come in from Picket  we draw 3 days rations of Sugar & Coffee Potatoes Beans Pork & Dried apple   L  Jones [Lewellyn Jones*]  made Corpl & gone guard

Tuesday, May 3, 1864.    Plesant day the Reg go out to target Shoot one round to a man   I come of guard this morning the men of Co G are to be relieved from thier duty at Hd Qts to day and will do duty in Co after this   we have had the job 4 months.

The following is from “Three Years in Company K,” by Sergeant Austin C. Stearns (deceased); Edited By Arthur A. Kent,  Associated University Press; 1976.

About the middle of April we were ordered out of our comfortable houses, [and we] pitched our tents about a mile away. My recollection[s] of this camp are not the most pleasing.  The ground was low and on a wide plain, where the wind had full sweep;  an April squall came up one day and all our tents blew over and we were nearly drowned out.  On the first of May I was on picket and could hear the bands of the Johnies very plain.  I think they must have been having a review.

The Sutler was ordered to the rear, and the boys were laying in a good store of tobacco.  Jordan [Samuel Jordan**] had been dealing in the article for some time, and having quite a stock on hand wanted me to buy my supply from him.  Wishing to accomodate, but not liking his kind as well as the Sutlers, I at length took a dollars worth with the promise to pay him when paid off.  The Sutler’s was Navy, Jordan’s Cavendish.

On the 17th of April Lieut. Col. Batchelder resigned. Major Gould had been promoted to Colonel of the 59th Mass, Captain Hovey was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel, and Captain Pierce, Major.  From the first of May I kept a diary, and shall with some additions follow it.  I find “Cloudy but no rain, a lonesome day.  The Johnies are quite happy, their drums and bands can be heard quite distinctly  Was up under arms half the night.”

The 2d   “Fair but windy, a squall of wind and rain at sunset.  Every thing is scattered around, was relieved from picket by the 16th Maine.  No drill.”

Thursday the 3d   “Fair but windy.  Company drill in forenoon, after which target practice, battalion drill in after-noon.  Signs of a move near, Signal Station broken up and men ordered to the rear.  Drew three days rations, and in the evening drew three days more.”

NOTES:
*From the 13th MA Roster, Jones is: LEWELLYN JONES; age, 20; born. South Solon, Me.; painter; mustered in as priv., Co. G, July 16, '61; re-enlisted, Jan. 4, '64; transferred to 39th Mass.; promoted to corp.
**Jordan is:  SAMUEL JORDAN; age, 37; born, Bridgeton, Me.; wheelwright; mustered in as priv., Co. K, Aug. 10, '62; mustered out as Corp., Aug. 1, '64; died, May 29, '93, at Worcester, Mass.; promoted to Corp., July 1, '64; taken prisoner at Gettysburg.

Return to Top of Page

Getting Ready to March

Charles Wainwright Journal

Culpeper Court House, May 1, Monday.  We are still here but expecting orders hourly almost…

Things here look so very near a move that the chances are decidedly against our being in our present quarters for a regular Thursday entry in here this week.  Our sick were all sent off yesterday.  Burnside’s division of negroes has relieved the half of this corps on the railroad so that it will be here tomorrow. The rest of Burnside’s command s near Rappahannock Station. One division they say has not joined him yet.  So near as I can make out, Grant will start from here with about 125,000 men, including all Burnsides corps and the cavalry.  One-third of the number are green troops, but there are only a few new regiments, and the army was never in batter condition, take it altogether.  The number stated, I am confident, is not over 5,000 out either way, as I have excellent mans of knowing.  It is enough anyway; quite as many as Grant and Meade together can take care of, and properly used ought to be sure to use up Lee.  The weather continues very fine. The roads and all the country are just in the very best condition.   Everyone here is in good spirits and those at home full of expectation.

In answer to General Grant's personal communication of April 9, (posted above about 1/2 way down the previous page) General Meade made this written response, regarding his instructions to the army for preparation to march.

Black Soldiers and Personnel Unloading Union Army Supplies at a Military Landing

General Meade's Reply to General Grant

City Point Railroad Depot & Wharves, July 1864.

How the Army Was Supplied With Beef

John D. Billing in his classic work “Hard Tack And Coffee,” wrote an interesting passage in his book about “beef on the hoof,” and referenced the Wilderness Campaign.

In the sketch on Army Rations I named fresh beef as one of the articles furnished, but I gave no particulars as to just how the army was supplied with it.  This I will now endeavor to do.

When there came an active demand for fresh and salt meat to feed the soldiers and sailors, at once the price advanced, and Northern farmers turned their attention more extensively to grazing.  Of course, the great mass of the cattle were raised in the West, but yet even rugged New England contributed no inconsiderable quantity to swell the total.   These were sent by hundreds and thousands on rail and shipboard to the various armies.  On their arrival, they were put in a corral.   Here they were subject, like all supplies, to the disposition of the commissary-general of the army, who, through his subordinates, supplied them to the various organizations upon the presentation of a requisition, signed by the commanding officer of a regiment or other body of troops, certifying to the number of rations of meat required.

…Whenever the army made a move its supply of fresh meat went along too.  Who had charge of it?  Men were detailed for the business from the various regiments, who acted both as butchers and drovers, and were excused from all other duty.  When a halt was made for the night, some of the steers would be slaughtered, and the meat furnished to the troops upon presentation of the proper requisitions by quartermasters.  The butcher killed his victims with a rifle.  The killing was not always done at night.  It often took place in the morning or forenoon, and the men received their rations in time to cook for dinner.

The manner in which these cattle were taken along was rather interesting.  One might very naturally suppose that they would be driven along the road just as they are driven in any neighborhood;  but such was not exactly the case.  The troops and trains must use the roads, and so the cattle must needs travel elsewhere, which they did.  Every herd had a steer that was used both as a pack animal and a leader.  As a pack animal he bore the equipments and cooking utensils of the drovers.  He was as docile as an old cow or horse, and could be led or called fully as readily.  By day he was preceded in his lead by the herdsmen in charge, on horseback, while other herdsmen brought up the rear.  It was necessary to keep the herd along with the troops for two reasons––safety and convenience;  and, as they could not use the road, they skirted the fields and woods, only a short remove from the highways, and picked their way as best they could.

By night one of the  herdsman went ahead of the herd on foot, making a gentle hallooing sound which the sagacious steer on lead steadily followed, and was in turn faithfully followed by the rest of the herd.   The herdsman’s course lay sometimes through the open, but often through the woods, which made the hallooing sound necessary as a guide to keep the herd from straying. They kept nearer the road at night than in the day, partly for safety’s sake, and partly to take advantage of the light from huge camp-fires which detachments of cavalry, that preceded the army, kindled at intervals to light the way, making them nearer together in woods and swamps than elsewhere.  Even then these drovers often had a thorny and difficult path to travel in picking their way through underbrush and brambles.

Such a herd got its living off the country in the summer, but not in the winter.  It was a sad sight to see these animals, which followed the army so patiently, sacrificed one after the other until but a half-dozen were left.  When the number had been reduced to this extent, they seemed to realize the fate in store for them, and it often took the butcher some time before he could succeed in facing one long enough to shoot him.  His aim was at the curl of the hair between the eyes, and they would avert their lowered heads when ever he raised his rifle, until, at last, his quick eye brought them to the ground.

From the manner in which I have spoken of these herds, it may be inferred that there was a common herd for the whole army;  but such was not the case.  The same system prevailed here as elsewhere.  For example, when the army entered the Wilderness with three days’ rations of hard bread, and three days’ rations of meat in their haversacks, the fresh meat to accompany the other three days’ rations, which they had stowed in their knapsacks, was driven along in division herds.  The remainder of the meat ration which they required to last them for the sixteen days during which it was expected the army would be away from a base of supplies was driven as corps herds.  In addition to these there was a general or army herd to fall back upon when necessary to supply the corps herds, but this was always at the base of supplies.  Probably from eight to ten thousand head of cattle accompanied the army across the Rapidan when it entered upon the Wilderness Campaign.

The following is from, “Three Years in the Army,” by Charles E. Davis, Jr; Estes & Lauriat, Boston, 1894.

The following letter of instruction was addressed to Maj.-Gen. B. F. Butler:

Davis, continued, (quoting General Grant):

        Owing to the weather and bad condition of the roads, operations were delayed until the first of May, when, everything being in readiness, and the roads favorable, orders were given for a general movement of all the armies not later than the fourth of May. My first object being to break the military power of the rebellion, and capture the enemy’s important strongholds, made me desirous that General Butler should succeed in his movement against Richmond, as that would tend more than anything else, unless it were the capture of Lee’s army, to accomplish this desired result in the East.  If he failed, it was my determination, by hard fighting, either to compel Lee to retreat, or to so cripple him that he could not detach a large force to go north and still retain enough for the defence of Richmond.  It was well understood by both Generals Butler and Meade, before starting on the campaign, that it was my intention to put both their armies south  of the James River, in case of failure to destroy Lee without it.  Before giving General Butler his instructions, I visited him at Fort Munroe, and in conversation pointed out the apparent importance of getting possession of Petersburg, and destroying  railroad communication as far south as possible. Believing, however, in the practicability of capturing Richmond unless it was reënforced, I made that the objective point of his operations. As the Army of the Potomac was to move simultaneously with him, Lee could not detach from his army with safety, and the enemy did not have troops elsewhere to bring to the defecne of the city in time to meet a rapid movement from the north of James River.

General Meade's Infantry Corps Commanders

General Gouverneur K. Warren, “The Hero of Little Round Top” and, General John Sedgwick, “Uncle John.”  Warren was a quirky commander.  Since Gettysburg, he had been an able temporary commander of the 2nd Corps, until General Hancock returned.  A staff officer described him as "A brilliant and ambitous soldier, and one who was always ready to set up his own judgement against that of his superiors."  This trait would get him in trouble with Generals Meade and Grant.  Sedwick was described as a solid man, no flummery about him... steady and sure.  His men were devoted to him.

General Winfield Scott Hancock or, “Hancock, The Magnificent.”  General Ambrose Burnside, ranked General Meade, commanding the Army of the Potomac, so General Grant kept Burnside's Corps as a separate command. The aggressive Hancock had a commanding presence and voice.  He had run up an impressive record culminating with a superb performance all 3 days at the Battle of Gettysburg.  He was returning to command after recovering from a bad wound in the thigh received at that battle.  He and General Meade were great friends.  Much was expected of him.  General Burnside returned to the eastern theatre in command of his old 9th Corps.  His record was mixed with successes and failures.  Most recently he performed well in a campaign of maneuvers against Confederate General James Longstreet for the city of Knoxville, TN.  Burnside held the city until re-enforcements arrived forcing Longstreet to retreat.

Official Marching Orders

 Headquarters Army of the Potomac,    
May 2, 1864.

[Orders.]

    1.     The army will move on Wednesday, the 4th of May, 1864.

    2.    On the day previous, Tuesday, the 3d of May, Major-General Sheridan, commanding Cavalry Corps, will move Gregg’s cavalry division to the vicinity of Richardsville.  It will be accompanied by one-half the canvas pontoon train, the engineer troops with which will repair the road to Ely’s Ford as far as practicable without exposing their work to the observation of the enemy.  Guards will be placed on all the occupied houses on or in the vicinity of the route of the cavalry and in advance toward the Rapidan, so as to prevent any communication with the enemy by the inhabitants.  The same precaution will be taken at the same time in front of the First and Third Cavalry Divisions, and wherever it may be considered necessary.  At  2  A.M. of the 4th May, Gregg’s division will move to Ely’s Ford, cross the Rapidan as soon as the canvas pontoon bridge is laid, if the river is not fordable, and as soon as the infantry of the Second Corps is up, will move to the vicinity of Piny Branch Church, or in that section, throwing reconnaissances well out on the Pamunkey road, toward Sposttsylvania Court House, Hamilton’s Crossing, and Fredericksburg.  The roads past Piny Branch Church, Todd’s Tavern, etc., will be kept clear for the passage of the infantry the following day. The cavalry division will remain in this position to cover the passage of the army trains, and will move with them and cover their left flank. At midnight of the 3d of May, the Third Cavalry Division, with one half the canvas pontoon bridge train, will join it after dark, will move to Germanna Ford, taking the plank-road, and cross the Rapidan as soon as the bridge is laid, if the river is not fordable, and hold the crossing until the infantry of the Fifth Corps is up.  It will then move to Parker’s Store, on the Orange Court House plank-road, or that vicinity, sending out strong reconnaissances on the Orange pike and plank-roads and the Catharpin and Pamunkey roads, until they feel the enemy, and at least as far as Robertson’s Tavern, the New Hope Church, and Almond’s or Robertson’s.  All intelligence concerning the enemy will be communicated with promptitude to headquarters and to the corps and division commanders of the nearest infantry troops.

    3.    Major-General Warren, commanding Fifth Corps, will send two divisions at midnight of the 3d instant, by way of Stevensburg and the plank-road, to the crossing at Germanna Ford.  So much of the bridge train of the Fifth Corps as may be necessary to bridge the Rapidan at Germanna Ford, with such artillery as may be required, will accompany these divisions, which will be followed by the remainder of the corps at such hour that the column will cross the Rapidan without delay.  Such disposition of the troops and artillery as may be found necessary to cover the bridge will be made by the corps commander, who, after crossing will move to the vicinity of the Old Wilderness Tavern, on the Orange Court House pike. The corps will move the following day past the head of Catharpin Run, crossing the Orange Court House plank-road at Parker’s Store.

    4.    Major-General Sedgwick, commanding Sixth Corps, will move at 4  A.M.  of the 4th instant, by way of Stevensburg and the Germanna plank-road to Germanna Ford, following the Fifth Corps, and, after crossing the Rapidan, will bivouac on the heights beyond. The canvas pontoon train will be taken up as soon as the troops of the Sixth Cops have crossed, and will follow immediately in rear of the troops of that corps.  So much of the bridge train of the Sixth Corps as may be necessary to bridge the Rapidan at Culpeper Mine Ford will proceed to Richardsville in rear of the Reserve Artillery, and, as soon as it is ascertained that the Reserve Artillery are crossing, it will move to Culpeper Mine Ford, where the bridge will be established. The engineers of this bridge train will at once open a road from Culpepr Mine Ford direct to Richardsville.

    5.    Major-General Hancock, commanding the Second Corps, will send two divisions, with so much of the bridge train as may be necessary to bridge the Rapidan at Ely’s Ford, and such artillery as may be required, at midnight of the 3d instant to Ely’s Ford, and such artillery as may be required at midnight of the 3d instant to Ely’s Ford.  The remainder of the corps will follow at such hour that the column will cross the Rapidan without delay. The canvas pontoon bridge at this ford will be taken up as soon as the troops of this corps have passed, and will move with it at the head of the trains that accompany the troops. The wooden pontoon bridge will remain. The Second Corps will enter the Stevensburg and Richardsville road at Madden’s, in order that the route from Stevensburg to the plank-road may be free for the Fifth and Sixth Corps.  After crossing the Rapidan, the Second Corps will move to the vicinity of Chandler’s or Chancellorsville.

 6.    It is expected that the advanced divisions of the Fifth and Second Corps, with the wooden pontoon trains, will be at the designated points of crossing not later than 6  A.M. of the 4th instant.

    7.    The Reserve Artillery will move at 3  A.M.  of the 4th instant, and follow the Second Corps, passing Mountain Run at Ross’ Mill or Hamilton’s Cross at Ely’s Ford, take the road to Chancellorsville, and halt for the night at Hunting Creek.

    8.    Great care will be taken by the corps commanders that the roads are promptly repaired by the pioneers wherever needed, not only for the temporary wants of the division or corps to which the pioneers belong, but for the passage of the troops and trains that follow on the same route.

    9.    During the movement of the 4th and following days the commanders of the Fifth and Sixth Corps will occupy the roads on the right flank, to cover the passage of their corps, and will keep their flankers well out in that direction.  The commanders of the Second Corps and Reserve Artillery will, in a similar manner, look out for the left flank. Whenever practicable, double columns will be used to shorten the columns.  Corps commanders will keep in communication and connect with each other, and coöperate whenever necessary.  Their picket-lines will be connected. They will keep the Commanding General constantly advised of their progress and of everything important that occurs, and will send staff officers to acquaint him with the location of their headquarters.  During the movement of the 4th instant headquarters will be on the route of the Fifth and Sixth Corps.  It will be established at night between these corps on the Germanna plank-road.

    10.    The infantry troops will take with them fifty rounds of ammunition upon the person, three days’ full rations in the haversacks, three days’ bread and small rations in the knapsacks, and three days’ beef on the hoof.  Each corps will take with it one-half its infantry ammunition, one-half the intrenching tools, one hospital wagon, and one medicine wagon for each brigade; one half the ambulance trains, and the light spring wagons and pack animals allowed at the various headquarters.  No other train or means of transportation than those just specified will accompany the corps, except such wagons as may be necessary for the forage for immediate use (five days).  The artillery will have with them the ammunition of the caissons only.

    11.    The subsistence and other trains, loaded with the amount of rations, forage, infantry, and artillery ammunition, etc., heretofore ordered, the surplus wooden pontoons of the different corps, etc., will be assembled under the direction of the chief quartermaster of the army in the vicinity of Richardsville, with a view to crossing the Rapidan by bridges at Ely’s Ford and Culpeper Mine Ford.

    12.    A detail of one thousand or one thousand two hundred men will be made from each corps as guard for its subsistence and other trains. This detail will be composed of entire regiments as far as practicable. No other guards whatever for regimental, brigade, division, or corps wagons will be allowed. Each detail will be under the command of an officer selected for that purpose, and the whole will be commanded by the senior officer of the three. This guard will be so disposed as to protect the trains on the march and in park. The trains are like-wise protected by cavalry on the flanks and rear.

13. Major-General Sheridan, commanding Cavalry Corps, will direct the First Cavalry Division to call in its pickets and patrols on the right on the morning of the 4th instant, and hold itself ready to move and cover the trains of the army.  It will picket and watch the fords of the Rapidan from Rapidan Station to Germanna Ford. On the morning of the 5th the First Cavalry Division will cross the Rapidan at Germanna Ford and cover the right flank of the trains while crossing the Rapidan and during their movements in rear of the army. The signal stations on Cedar, Pony, and Stony Mountains will be maintained as long as practicable.

14. The wooden pontoon bridges at Germanna Ford and Ely’s Ford will remain for the passage of General Burnside’s army.  That at Culpeper Mine Ford will be taken up, under the direction of the chief engineer, as soon as the trains have crossed, and will move with the train of its corps.

By command of Major-General Meade,                                
S. WILLIAMS,             
Assistant-Adjutant General.    

Fifth Corps Marching Orders

The map above shows the locations pointed out in the 5th Corps Marching Orders below.

Fifth Corps Marching Orders

 Headquarters Fifth Army Corps,      
May 3, 1864.

[Circular.]

General:    The First Division, followed by the Third, will move at midnight, crossing the Mountain Run at the double bridge;  thence direct to Stevensburg;  thence toward Doggett's; thence about one mile to a place marked  “Ruins,” at which point an officer will be stationed; thence the road will be marked by men stationed along the route to the plank-road;  thence along the plank-road to Germanna Ford.   The Fourth Division, followed by the Second, will proceed from Culpeper, keeping along the south side of Mountain Run, to Stevensburg;  thence on the main road toward Shepherd’s Grove to a place about two and one-half miles beyond Stevensburg, marked “Ruins” on the map;  thence to the right, over a road to be marked by persons on the ground, to the plank-road;  and thence to Germanna.  These divisions will be careful not to cut into those they may find on their left, moving in the same direction.

The Artillery Brigade will at midnight move direct to Stevensburg;  thence on the main road toward Shepherd’s Grove to a place marked “Ruins” on the map;  thence to the right, over a road to be marked by persons on the ground, to the plank-road;  thence to Germanna Ford.  It will have precedence over the Fourth and Second Divisions, and follow the First and Third (each division having its train with it).  Whenever the country will permit of different columns approaching each other, they will continue moving in parallel lines.  The brigade will take wagons enough to ensure five days’ forage, one wagon for sales to officers, one wagon and spring wagon for brigade headquarters, one hospital and one medicine wagon, and half its ambulances.  No other wagons will be allowed.  The rest of the train of all kinds will be sent to the vicinity of Brandy Station, to make up the corps train, which will have an especial guard.

The men will carry three full days’ rations in haversacks, three days’ bread and small rations in the knapsacks, and three days’ beef on the hoof.  Care will be taken that no fires are built along the route, nor any unusual ones in the camps, as these may inform the enemy of our movement.  The troops will cross the bridge at Germanna Ford as fast as possible, move out and eat their breakfasts on the other side, and then continue the march to Old Wilderness Tavern, taking up position there as fast as arriving, the First Division moving up the turnpike, toward Mine Run, about one mile.  Each division will take half its own ammunition and half its ambulance train, one hospital and one medicine wagon for each brigade, wagons for five days’ forage, and one wagon for headquarters of each division and brigade, and the wagons for sales to officers.  No other wagons will be allowed.

The infantry will take fifty rounds of ammunition upon the person, three days’ full rations in the haversacks, three days’ bread and small rations in the knapsacks, and three days’ beef on the hoof.  General Griffin will detail a regiment of about four hundred strong to guard the trains remaining behind,¹ the quarter-master in charge of these will send to Colonel Owen, quartermaster Fifth Corps, in Culpeper, for instructions.  Division commanders will give instructions to all their officers to prevent their men from building fires along the line of march, or any unusual ones in camp, so as to indicate to the enemy our movements.

By command of Major-General Warren,                                    
FRED T. LOCKE,         
  Assistant Adjutant-General.

¹Similar instructions to General Robinson.

Return to Top of Page

Journal of Colonel Charles Wainwright

Colonel Wainwright was pleased to be  invited to General Warren's Headquarters with the 4 Division General's of the 5th Army Corps.  Wainwright was chief of the Corps Artillery.  Warren explained to his subordinates, the purpose of the coming march was to get around General Robert E. Lee's fortified position.

In a previous journal entry Wainwright, said the army's strength was about 125,000 including artillery and cavalry.  He claimed to have very good sources to know this.

May 3, Tuesday.  Everything is packed, and we only wait the hour of midnight in order to start.  Orders have been coming in thick and fast all day; an army is as bad as a woman starting on a journey, so much to be done at the last moment.

Sergeants Shelton & Scott only got their dis-charges to day, so as to get  muster as Lieutenants. Then Capt Reynolds broke down entirely at the last moment: his remaining eye has given him a vast amount of trouble ever since it became dry enough to be at all dusty so that he had to give up drilling his battery himself:  now the doctors say that he will probably lose it altogether if he exposes it to the dust of a dry days march.  He would not give up so long as there was a possibility of his going: but the almost certainty of total blindness warrants a resignation even just on starting. –– Then the sentence of one of the men tried by my late C.M. [court-marital] was sent in; David Macey of “L” Co. tried for desertion in the face of the enemy is sentenced to be shot on the 16th.  Morris had to go over & read him his sentence the Corps Provost guard have charge of him & a number of other prisoners on the march:  they will have to keep a sharp look out or the rascals will escape when we get into the thick woods across the Rapid Ann.

It seems that notwithstanding General Meade’s appeal to their honour, there are a number of men inclined to be fractious under the idea that their term of service is already out;  he now sends notice that all such be shot without trial if they do not step out to the music.

My batteries from up the road arrived early yesterday morning, & camped over the hill beyond Cooper.  Though my expectations have been on a gradual fall each week, I was much disappointed in them: their horses, are not to be compared in condition with those here; & all the carriages were overloaded at least double when they arrived.  Winslow made decidedly the best appearance of the lot.  It forced me into giving them all a sharp reception for I will not have them make baggage waggons of their carriages.  I had ordered Gen’l Hunts order in these respects to be again read to each battery, & mean that they shall stick to it.  Martin has gone back to his battery, I do not feel half as amiable to him as I did.  The 1st & 3d Divisions are camped over toward Stevensburg way somewhere I believe.

I found yesterday that General Warren, I suppose by order, was building several several redoubts on the heights south of the town, and rode around to see them, thinking that I might be called upon to have something to do with them, especially as the General asked me to examine whether the parapets were too high for light guns. I though to meet him there but did not.  I, however, came across General Wadsworth. The old gentleman was talkative as usual, and said that he did not know very much about engineering, though he did claim to be otherwise pretty well up in military matters.  I agreed with him perfectly as to his ignorance of engineering, and thought he would be wiser not to attempt to use terms belonging thereto, as I remembered his note to Reynolds a year ago; & as he talked of the “berme” inside these works, meaning the “banquett.”  I cannot now understand the object of erecting all these works here unless it was done to mislead Lee, for all the army, is to leave here & be cut loose entirely.

General John C. Robinson, Commander 2nd Division, 5th Corps, General Samuel W. Crawford, Commander 3rd Division, 5th Corps.

General Charles Griffin, Commander 1st Division, 5th Corps, General James Wadsworth, Commander 4th Division, 5th Corps.  Griffin was hot-tempered and would play a crucial role in the coming battle, as would Wadsworth.

This afternoon General Warren had his division commanders and myself at his quarters, shewed us his orders, and explained tomorrow’s move.  This Fifth corps leads off, followed by the Sixth; we are to cross at Germanna Ford again and go as far as the Old Wilderness Tavern tomorrow.  The Second Corps, all the heavy trains, and also the Reserve crosses at Ely’s Ford and goes to Chancellorsville; the Ninth Corps* does not move until the next day.  We are to try to get around Lee, between him and Richmond, and so force him to fight on our ground. My batteries, with two forage waggons each, start at midnight, pass through Stevensburg, and then follow in rear of the First and Third Divisions.  The ammunition and all the rest of the waggons, together with half of the ambulances, move off to Chancellorsville and we are warned that we shall not see them again for five days. The night is soft but cloudy, with some sins of rain; now the roads are capital.  Our general officers, that I have talked with, are very sanguine; Grant is said to be perfectly confident.  God grant that their expectations be more realized.

When I reached Warren’s quarters Wadsworth only was there.  He insisted on having my opinion as to which way we were to move, whether around Lee’s right or left; and when I told him I had no opinion, having nothing to found one on, declared I must be a regular, I was so non-committal. Would that it were characteristic of all regulars never to give an opinion on subjects they knew nothing about; and if the people at home, newspaper editors and correspondents, and also the politicians at Washington, would take a leaf out of the same book, it would save the country millions of money, and many a poor fellow in our army his life.

During the interview I could see that Warren paid especial deference to Griffin, whom he evidently fears.  I do not wonder much at it except hat Griffin has no influence; but then he is such an inveterate hater, and so ugly in his persecutions.  I was gratified at being summoned with the division commanders;  it looks as if Warren meant to treat his C’rps of Arty properly so long as he found I was fit of the post.  I do not go into raptures over it yet; it will require one or two hard fights before I can form any opinion of our new commander.

Return to Top of Page

Next Up:  The Bloody Battle of the Wilderness, May 5–6 1864

© Bradley M. Forbush, 2025.

Page Updated March 23, 2025.