Introduction –– What's On This Page
March was an eventful month for the Army of the
Potomac. On March 4, General George G. Meade submitted a plan to
Major-General Henry W. Halleck in Washington, to consider consolidating
the Army of
the Potomac from 5 Army Corps to 3 Army Corps. The idea bounced
around
Washington for a while and then became a reality on March 24. The
First Corps, long the home of the 13th MA was disbanded and their
division was incorporated into the Fifth Corps.
Kilpatrick's Raid and the Dahlgen
Papers.
The page starts off with a summary of the controversy
over Colonel Ulric Dahlgren’s death. He was killed
in a dark patch of woods, in an ambuscade just past midnight March 3rd.
[Illustration above represents the death of Col. Dahlgren.] The
authenticity of papers found on the brash young hero’s body,
presumably written in his own hand, and which called for killing Jeff.
Davis and his cabinet, (if the raid succeeded in taking Richmond)
has been debated ever since, up until fairly recent
times. The incident caused a big rou in the opposing governments,
both North and South, and deserves mention.
Kilpatrick's Raid as Reported
in the
Northern Press.
About the middle of
March, Northern newspapers began publishing stories about Kilpatrick’s
Raid. Two are presented here. I had originally planned to
build an entire page devoted the raid, because my
Great-Great Grandfather, Private William Henry Forbush participated in
the raid with
his unit, 3rd U.S. Artillery, Flying Battery C. However, I feel
more obligated to push on with the narrative of the 13th MA
Vols., so I’ve limited the discussion of the raid to these newspaper
accounts and the few comments made by General Meade and others found on
this page.
I learned a lot about this subject by watching a 2016
interview with Dr. Bruce Venter, author of a book about the raid
titled, Kill Jeff Daivis. You
can watch the presentation here but you will be leaving this
website. Kill
Jeff Davis by Dr. Bruce Venter.
General Meade's Political
Problems.
The next section on this page, “General Meade's
Political Problems” outlines the conspiracy General Meade, commander of
the Army of the Potomac found himself suddenly thrust into.
Disgruntled Generals and political admirers of General Joseph Hooker,
sought to undermine Meade’s leadership, and re-instate General Hooker
to
command of the army. This was done behind General Meade’s back.
But he accidentally discovered the intrigue. His direct testimony
refuted the secret allegations brought against him,
but
this did not keep his political enemies from continuing to try to have
him removed. The whole
situation is explained in an essay authored by General Meade’s
son in a collection of the General's private letters pubished in
1913. (George Meade, pictured, left).
“Picket Duty” & “Some Camp Followers
of the Thirteenth Massachusetts,” by Clarence Bell.
Next, two entertaining and detailed articles from author
Clarence Bell turn the spotlight to the 13th MA Regiment. Both
articles first appeared in Bivouac Magazine, 1883-1885. The first
examines the mind of a soldier detailed for picket duty after a long
march. The author probably had the Fredericksburg Campaign in
mind when he wrote it, but the regiment was doing so much picket duty
in the Winter of ’64, it just as well suits the narrative here.
The next section, “Some Camp Followers of the 13th Mass” is
a detailed character study of Dr. Allston Whitney’s mulatto servant
“Stake,” known by no other name. Its a rare look at some of the
contraband who traveled with the regiment. Clarence Bell
did
give a brief sketch of “George Washington,” and some of the other camp
followers, but Stake was his chief protagonist. Washington
became a soldier with Burnside’s black regiments, so I hope to post his
brief story at a future time in an appropriate place in the chronology.
Daily Camp Life; Three Letters
of
Private James Ross.
Three letters of Private James Ross, 9th N.Y. Militia
(83rd NY Vol. Inf.) come after Bell’s Bivouac yarns. The
published collection of his letters takes its title from a line he
wrote home in one of these: “Willing To Run the Risks.” If
you haven’t been
following James Ross's writing on other pages of this site you won’t
know that
James was a teacher, drafted into the army in 1863. He chose to
serve his term of enlistment rather than find a substitute to take his
place. He
deferred his college education to do this. As an observant new
recruit, his detailed letters describing army life are
un-surpassed. Here he gives a good idea of life on the picket
line and also in camp.
(James Ross pictured, right).
A False Alarm.
General John Robinson’s 2nd Division was on outpost duty
all winter, excluded from any other duty. This put them closest
to the enemy camps and pickets, just a few miles distant across the
Rapidan River. Because of that danger, these outpost camps were
subject to occasional alarms. One such alarm occurred on March
18th. The posted communications between lookouts, cavalry patrols
and headquarters, which were found in the Official Records of the War
of the Rebellion, show how a single erroneous report could be blown out
of proportion and set a large part of the army on alert. The
soldiers in the 13th MA, and other regiments of their brigade only
mentioned in brief passages, that they were on alert that day
presumably due to an enemy cavalry raid. This exploration of the
communications that
occurred at headquarters sheds a little light into the workings of the
army.
Pay Day & Promotions.
The page again returns to the inner workings of the 13th
MA Vols.
The executive correspondence of Colonel Leonard, found at the State
Archives in Boston, has him urging the Governor’s office to expedite
promotions in the regiment so he can fill badly needed officer
positions, and possibly, bolster re-enlistments. He also
addresses the problem of some officers resigning from the 13th in hopes
of getting promoted in one of the new regiments organizing.
Colonel J. P. Gould is still on the rolls as major and its holding up
Elliot Pierce’s appointment to that rank. Many of Gould’s
comrades from the 13th enlisted in, or wished to join his new command.
A Hard Snow.
There was an un-expected turn in the unpredictable
Virginia weather on March 22, ––a hard snow fell. A few
eclectic writings from the regiment are sprinkled throughout this
section. The men were by necessity detailed to fatigue duty to
clear out the camp and the railroad they were protecting.
Unfortunately some of diarist Calvin Conant’s scribbles
are illegible, and I wasn't able to completely decipher his text.
But, James Ross vividly describes picket duty in the
snow in a letter to his father. And, Sam Webster takes the
opportunity to snowball his
friend, Drum-Major Appleton Sawyer.
Pictured: North Central Virginia
After a Snowstorm
The First Corps Disbanded.
The next section, “The End of the First Corps” explores
the first of the two big events that occurred in March in the Army of
the Potomac. This is the reorganization of the army and the
dissolution of the First & Third Corps. On March 4th General
Meade approached the War Department in Washington D.C. and proposed the
change which would make the army more efficient. The resulting
orders with some eulogizing of the disbanded corps is presented
here. The
second big event was the arrival of General Grant in Culpeper.
His memoirs state he established his headquarters there on March
26th. An excerpt from his memoirs takes a look at some of his
thoughts regarding his promotion to Lieutenant-General and his plans to
manage the new responsibility.
The Return of Colonel Tilden; 16th
Maine.
The page ends with an upbeat celebration in camp,
despite the rain, when Colonel Tilden returns to his regiment the 16th
Maine, after incarceration as a prisoner of war in Richmond. A
gala night of toasts followed by a day of games gave the brigade a
chance to
play. Accounts of the dinner reception given in honor of the
colonel lists several 13th Mass officers present at the affair, and
even records for posterity the witty toast that Dr. Whitney gave
Colonel Tilden in honor of gaining his freedom.
The usual voices are present on this page; Warren
Freeman, Charles Davis, Jr., Sam Webster, George Henry Hill, and Calvin
Conant. And there is the occasional surprise.
A special thank-you is issued to Mr.
Jacob Bates, for the use of a screen-grab from his video, Civil War
Picket Duty in Freezing Temperatures, which can be viewed on his
youtube channel under the pseudonym, "History Boy."
PICTURE CREDITS: All Images are from
the LIBRARY OF CONGRESS DIGITAL COLLECTIONS with the following
exceptions: The b&w sketch of a shell shocked soldier,
the b&w picture of two girls in an ox-cart & the color
sketch by Frank Ray of the Union soldier on picket in winter, are from
Civil War Times Illustrated, 1960-1980; Portrait of Major Thomas
P. Turner, from, "Recollections of a Newsboy in the Army of the
Potomac"
by Doc Aubrey; (p. 82) circa 1904; Photo of Charles Wainwright's
house from Culpeper Historian Bud Hall; Portrait of Gen. George
Meade from, Carl Schurz, Reminiscences, Volume Three, McClure
Publishing Co., 1907, found at Wikimedia Commons; Portrait of 18 year
old George H. Hill, 13th MA, from family descendants, authors
collection; Picture of Dr. A.W. Whitney, 13th MA and Servant,
author's collection; Skirmish Drill by Jack Coggins, "Arms &
Equipment of the Civil War, accessed at Internet Archive; Camp at Stony
Mountain, 2nd Brigade, 3d Division, 2nd Corps, from American
Centuries at [americancenturies.mass.edu]; N.C. Wyeth
illustration, "The Vedette" from, 'The Long Roll,' by Mary Johnston,
1911; Winslow Homer color painting, "Reveille" from "Echo of a Distant
Drum" by Grossman, 1974; Edwin Forbes sketch, “Inspection” from,
“Thirty Years After, An
Artist’s Memoir of the Civil War” Louisiana State University Press,
1993; The Charles Reed sketches on this page can be found at the
Library of Congress under “Charles Wellington Reed Papers.”; “Buglar”
illustration by Walton Tabor is from “The American Heritage Century
Collection of Civil War Art” ed. by Stephen Sears, American Heritage
Publishing Company, New York, 1974.; Images from Harper’s Weekly
including “Payday” and “Rebel Pickets Surrendering” are from
sonofthesouth.net; Portrait of David Whiston,13th MA from MA Historical
Society, author's collection; Cartoon Piggies are from Albert Hurter,
"He Drew As He Pleased" 1948, accessed via the internet; Captain David
Brown from Sue Kinzelman, descendant, author's collection; Photo
of Soldier in Snow by cannon, by Buddy Secor, accessed at his flickr
account, [https://www.flickr.com/photos/48642729@N07]; Picture of Corps
Badges from "Hard Tack & Coffee" by John D. Billings, 1887,
reprinted 1982; Portrait of General U. S. Grant from, The Photographic
History of the Civil War in 10 Vols. edited by Francis Trevelyan
Miller, 1911; Cartoon of President Lincoln from, Lincoln in Caricature,
by Rufus Rockwell Wilson, 1953; Illustration of The Snowball
Fight, by Fritz Freund found on-line at [www.canberratimes.com];
Appleton Sawyer was sent to me by Mr. Joe Stahl; 16th Maine
soldiers found at Digital Maine Library,
[https://digitalmainelibrary.org] & also at Maine Archives,
[https://archives.maine.gov]; The screen-grab of the young
soldier
on picket is from Civil War Picket Duty in Freezing Temperatures,
posted March 26, 2022 at youtube, by History Boy, (Jacob Bates);
ALL IMAGES HAVE BEEN
EDITED IN PHOTOSHOP.
Return to Table of Contents
Kilpatrick's Raid &
The Dahlgren Papers
Due to papers discovered on Ulric
Dahlgren's dead body, a controversy raged as to their authenticity,
which continued to present day. The reverberations
from Kilpatrick's failed raid echoed long after its impractical
execution ended. My Great Great Grandfather, Private
William Henry Forbush rode along on the raid, with Captain Dunbar
Ransom, commanding his battery, 3rd U.S. Battery C, so I
touch upon the story here.––B.F.
The reports that follow are from, “Official
Records of the The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official
Records of the Union and Confederate Armies.” Series I,
Volume XXXIII. 1891. (pages 178 – 182.).
The following communication signaled the end of General
Hugh Judson
Kilpatrick’s bold plan to raid Richmond with a hand-picked cavalry
force, and free the Union prisoners at Belle Isle and Libby Prisons.
Headquarters
Cavalry Corps,
March 4, 1864.
General: The
following dispatch in cipher, just received from General Kilpatrick,
dated Fort Magruder, Va., March 3, 1864:
Headquarters
Cavalry Expedition,
March 3, 1864––9 p.m.
Maj. Gen. A. Pleasonton,
Commanding Cavalry Corps:
I have reached General Butler’s lines with my command in
good
order. I have failed to accomplish the great object of the
expedition,
but had destroyed the enemy’s communications at various points on the
Virginia Central Railroad; also the canal and mills along the James
River, and much other valuable property. Drove the enemy into and
through his fortifications to the suburbs of Richmond; made
several
unsuccessful efforts to return to the Army of the Potomac. I have
lost
less than 150 men. The entire command is in good order, and needs
but
a few days’ rest. I respectfully ask for instructions.
J. KILPATRICK,
Brigadier-General, Commanding Expedition.
In view of the failure of General Kilpatrick to return
to this
command by land, I respectfully urge that transportation be sent
immediately from Alexandria to transport it by water, as his command is
composed of picked troops from all the divisions of the corps, and the
organization and effectiveness of the remaining divisions is seriously
impaired by the absence of so large a number. Very respectfully,
A. PLEASONTON,
Major-General, Commanding.
Major-General Humphreys,
Chief of Staff
Twenty-one year old Colonel Ulric Dahlgren commanded a
wing of
Kilpatrick’s force numbering nearly 500 troopers. He was killed
in an
ambush while desperately trying to cut his way back to Union lines
after the raid failed. Papers in his own handwriting found on his
body
created a great controversy still discussed today.
General Lee sent a message to General Meade explaining
the situation:
Headquarters
Army of Northern Virginia,
April 1, 1864.
Maj. Gen. George G. Meade,
Commanding Army of the Potomac:
General: I am
instructed to bring
to your notice two papers found upon the body of Col. U. Dahlgren, who
was killed while commanding a part of the Federal cavalry during the
late expedition of General Kilpatrick. To enable you to
understand the
subject fully I have the honor to inclose photographic copies of the
papers referred to, one of which is an address to his officer and men,
bearing the official signature of Colonel Dahlgren, and the other, not
signed, contains more detailed explanations of the purpose of the
expedition and more specific instructions as to its execution. In
the
former this passage occurs:
We hope to release the
prisoners from
Belle Island first, and having seen them fairly started, we will cross
the James River into Richmond, destroying the bridges after us and
exhorting the released prisoners to destroy and burn the hateful city;
and do not allow the rebel leader Davis and his traitorous crew to
escape. The prisoners must render great assistance, as you cannot
leave your ranks too far or become too much scattered, or you will be
lost.
Among the instructions contained in the second paper are
the following:
The bridges once secured, and
the
prisoners loose and over the river, the bridges will be secured and the
city destroyed. The men must keep together and well in hand, and once
in the city it must be destroyed and Jeff. Davis and cabinet
killed.
Pioneers will go along with combustible material.
In obedience to my instructions I beg leave
respectfully to
inquire whether the designs and instructions of Colonel Dahlgren, as
set forth in these papers, particularly those contained in the above
extracts, were authorized by the United States Government or by his
superior officers, and also whether they have the sanction and
approval of those authorities.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient
servant,
R.E. LEE,
General.
Confederate President Jeff Davis initially laughed off
the orders calling for his death and that of his cabinet when they were
first
personally presented to him. But the rabid newspaper editors of
Richmond were in a
tizzy when they heard the news, and they stirred the noble denizens of
Richmond into a feeding frenzy.
Some Confederate authorities urged the captured raiders
be
hanged. General Lee, with a cooler head, feared retaliation if
this course was taken. And, his own son was a
prisoner of the North, so he urged forbearance.
General Meade who had nothing to do with the planning or
execution of
the raid,
called upon Gen. Kilpatrick to answer Lee’s inquiry. Kilpatrick
carefully denied the questionable orders.
Headquarters
Third Division Cavalry Corps,
April 16, 1864.
Brig. Gen. S. Williams, A.
A. G., Army of the Potomac:
General: In
accordance with
instructions from headquarters Army of the Potomac, I have carefully
examined officers and men who accompanied Colonel Dahlgren on his late
expedition.
All testify that he published no address whatever to his
command,
nor did he give any instructions, much less of the character as set
forth in the photographic copies of two papers alleged to have been
found upon the person of Colonel Dahlgren and forwarded by General
Robert E. Lee, commanding Army of Northern Virginia. Colonel
Dahlgren,
one hour before we separated at my headquarters, handed me an address
that he intended to read to his command. That paper was indorsed
in
red ink, “Approved,” over my official signature. The photographic
papers referred to are true copies of the papers approved by me, save
so far as they speak of “exhorting the prisoners to destroy and burn
the hateful city and kill the traitor Davis and his cabinet,” and in
this, that they do not contain the indorsement referred to as having
been placed by me on Colonel Dahlgren’s papers. Colonel Dahlgren
received no orders from me to pillage, burn, or kill, nor were any such
instructions given me by my superiors.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. KILPATRICK,
Brigadier-General Volunteers.
Dahlgren’s last name was mis-spelled on the lithographed
documents
sent to Meade by General Lee, so it was easy for Admiral Dahlgren, to
deny the
authenticity of his son's signature, and thus the debate has raged ever
since as to their true
character. Recent examinations assert the handwriting on
the
questionable orders is indeed Colonel Dahlgren’s, and the mis-spelling
probably a mistake on the lithographer’s part.

In addition to his good qualities already listed, young
Dahlgren was
arrogant and brash. In a rage he hanged his colored guide, named
William Roberson, for failing to find a crossing over the James river
as
promised. But heavy rains had swollen the river and it was not
the
guide’s fault. Moreover this guide had recently helped an escaped
Union prisoner return to Federal lines by hiding him, nursing him
to health,
and then carefully guiding him through Confederate lines to safety.
Dahlgren's inexperience caused him to lose the greater
part of
his command
while trying to re-connect with General Kilpatrick’s force. He
failed
to destroy his incriminating papers, as his signal officer did,
during a halt the night of March 2nd while being pursued by enemy
cavalry.
Also, the raid had no developed plans for the released
prisoners
should the mission have succeeded. The prisoners at Belle Isle,
were
ragged, emaciated and sick. The Confederates, mined Libby Prison when
news of the raid reached Richmond. They probably would have blown
up
the prison buildings and officers confined there along with it.
Colonel Ulric Dahlgren, pictured.
Col. Dahlgren was killed some time after midnight the
morning of
March 3rd. As mentioned above, when Jeff. Davis was presented the
controversial orders
found on Dahlgren’s body, he shrugged it
off. But the editors of the Richmond newspapers felt otherwise
and
stirred up a great outrage against the barbarity of the dead
colonel.
His body was brought to Richmond by train March 6th, and the citizenry
were allowed to gaze upon the corpse of Ulric the Hun. Concerned
with making the situation worse, knowing the prestige and importance of
Admiral Dahlgren up North, Confederate President
Davis
ordered the body buried that afternoon in a secret place. Such a
prominent casualty would normally be sent back to the family for
burial. And, Admiral Dahlgren did indeed seek to have his son’s
body
buried at home. But Miss Elizabeth Van Lew, a wealthy and rare
Richmond
resident ––one who remained staunchly loyal to the
Union, discovered the location of the grave and had operatives from her
own
spy ring dig up the body and re-bury it in another secret
location.
An embarrassed Jeff. Davis could not produce the body after
agreeing to return
it. Van
Lew communicated directly with General Ben Butler on the Richmond
peninsula, and notified him the body was in friendly hands and could be
returned when the war ended. Admiral Dahlgren, was also visited in
person by one of Van Lew's operatives from Richmond stating the
same. The
admiral was
in extreme anguish over the accusations hanging over his son, and even
more
distraught
about recovering the body for burial.
The body was returned in
June
1865.
Return to Top of Page
Kilpatrick's
Raid as Reported in the Papers
I had originally intended to do a full
page on Kilpatrick's Raid to Richmond. My G G Grandfather, participated
in the raid. His battery, 3rd U.S. Battery C, accompanied
Kilpatrick's Cavalry on their journey to the north side of Richmond,
then later to Yorktown. Due to the immense work of building these
Winter Encampment pages, I decided to keep my narrative focused
on the re-organization of the Army of the Potomac, and the activities
of the 13th Massachusetts. It was about mid-March when details
about the raid started to appear in the Northern press.
The following news clips came from the
now defunct website, Letters of the Civil War, which was
operated in the early 2000's by Tom Hayes. The site can still be
accessed at the Internet Web-Archive.
Woburn Townsman, March 11, 1862
The Northern press puts a positive spin
on a
failed raid.
March 11, 1864.
THE RAID ON RICHMOND.
Richmond has
once more been ours-almost. By a swift movement one of the boldest
raids of
the war was accomplished by Kilpatrick, and but for treachery the plan
would have been successful. Not that 5000 men could hold Richmond, but
it was not improbable
that so small a number could take it, and then with the liberated
prisoners and reinforcements which could be speedily sent up, the work
might be
done.
It seems our men did get inside the outer
fortifications, and
shelled the city, and if it failed in completeness it accomplished a
great
deal. When a previous raid was made and almost succeeded, it was said
that
Richmond had learned a lesson and new defences made so as to render a
recurrence of the plan impossible; but here we have one General
knocking at
their front door, while another only failed of walking in the back way
by the
treachery of a guide.
We are glad it was done. It will show the rebels
that it won't do to be napping with their army sixty miles away, and
they
will be obliged to draw in their lines because they don't know when or
where the Yankees will strike next.
We met with
heavy loss in the death of Col. Dahlgren, and it seems a pity he should
come so near and yet fail
of success. We can ill afford to spare such as he, for he had shown
since
the war broke out a determination and a fearless energy which would
have
placed him high on the national roll of honor. But Kilpatrick
remains,
and Butler is not asleep at his post. Still other raids may be
made,
and
if we progress in like ratio as in the past, the next time will open
the
doors of Libby, Castle Thunder, and Belle Isle. Let us take
courage;
our
troops did well; they are not inactive, and we must strengthen their
hands for still further efforts, by filling up the ranks. The cry "On
to,"
will yet be "Into" Richmond.
(Woburn Townsman; March 11, 1864; pg. 2,
col. 2.)
Boston Herald, March 12 1864.
In this article, an exchanged Union
prisoner talks about the raid from the perspective of the inarcerated
officers at Libby.
Kilpatrick's
Recent Raid and
the Alarm
in Richmond.
A Union officer recently released by
the rebels, who
was in the Libby Prison when Kilpatrick threatened Richmond, says the
first intimation our prisoners in Richmond had of the advance of
General Kilpatrick upon the city, was hearing the cannonading about
nine o'clock in the evening, when the fight began inside the outer line
of defences.
It seemed even to be closer than that, and of course the
meaning of it was at once evident. Every prisoner knew that
those
belching cannon were on our guns thundering for admission within the
walls of the city, and that their rescue, if not a paramount object of
the attack, at least constituted a portion of the plan. As may be
supposed, there was intense anxiety. Everyone wished that "nearer,
clearer, deadlier" might be the sound of those cannon, that victory
might crown our gallant forces, and, with giving the city in possession
of our brave assailants, restore them to liberty.
-––But this hope was not
gratified. The next morning told the story of the bold attack of
Kilpatrick and his compulsory retreat. It was bad news to the
prisoners. They had been hoping against hope, it is true, but there was
hope, and they cherished and hugged it, a delusive phantom though it
proved to be.
As soon as Kilpatrick's attack was
made and the
probability of his proposed attempt to effect their rescue assumed the
shadow of possibility, the stairs in the prison were all removed, the
guard strengthened, and the strictest watchfulness kept upon the
occupants of each room. One object of this was to thwart any attempt at
escape that might be made, for it was well known that if our troops did
not succeed in reaching the prisoners, the latter would let pass no
opportunity of reaching them. The precautionary measures of the prison
officials made escape, however, impossible.
The repulse of Kilpatrick called out
general
rejoicing outside the prison, and increased the insolence of the prison
officers inside. Altogether it was a most exciting time, though
the
Richmond papers, the officer says, makes less of it than there was,
and, in his opinion, grossly exaggerate their means of defence.
It is
his opinion, however, that no raid will ever effect the release of our
prisoners, and thinks the best plan to succeed will be to bring about a
general exchange of prisoners.
The Washington correspondent of the
New York Tribune
gleans the following incidents connected with Kilpatrick's raid from
returned Richmond prisoners:––
When information reached Richmond
that Kilpatrick
crossed the Rapidan, the most rigorous orders were issued respecting
the prisoners. Maj. Turner, their keeper, had been severely censured
for the escape of Col. Straight and party, and was told if any more
escaped he would be sent to the front. One of the Chickamauga prisoners
had also written the Major that if he did not treat the prisoners
better, and allowed them to have their boxes, they would assassinate
him.
These threats, with the advance of
Kilpatrick,
induced Turner to remove the stairs of the prison so as to prevent
communication with the lower story, and when the fact that Kilpatrick
was really approaching Richmond was established, the prison was mined,
200 kegs of gunpowder placed under it, and every preparation made to
blow the prisoners into eternity. The fact is established beyond
question. From the ringing of the bells, the passing of troops
through
the city from Petersburg, and orders that no prisoner should approach
the windows nearer enough to touch the bar on penalty of being shot,
our captives knew Kilpatrick was really attempting their deliverance.
[Major Thomas P. Turner, C.S.A., commander of Libby
Prison, pictured.]
Ignorant that the prison was mined, a
plan was formed
to attempt to join our forces should they enter the city. On
Monday not
even the sweeps were allowed to enter Libby to clean the
rooms.
Only those bringing rations came in, and they refused to
converse. The
guard were increased, and strict orders to shoot any one who approached
the window or stairways. On Tuesday night the cannonading when
Kilpatrick was shelled from his camp near Mechanicsville, was
distinctly heard.
During the excitement one of the
guards, who had
been overheard to say that he "would shoot one of the damn Yankees if
he got a chance," fired at Capt. Hammond of the 8th N. Y. cavalry,
while at the sinks, the ball grazing his head and passing through
his
cap. After the affair was over the attendants were communicative,
and
were bitter in their denunciations. Three officers and one
hundred and
fifty men from Kilpatrick's command were confined in the cells, and fed
on corn paste and water. Mrs. Seddon, wife of the Secretary of
War,
visited the hospital to identify a wounded officer, as connected with
the burning of her barns. She failed to do this, but abused him in
unmeasured terms, and said they all ought to be hung, and she should
use every exertion to have them hung.
Dahlgren's body was buried in the field
next the road,
in a pine box made by negroes out of boards torn from a barn. The
authorities in Richmond had dug it up for their fury and indignities.
(Boston Herald; March 12, 1864; pg. 1, col. 2.)
Return to Top of Page
General
Meade's Political Enemies
I think it is appropriate to explain
here, a little about the intrigue that was underway at this time,
against General
Meade, by his political enemies in Washington. But first a journal
entry from Colonel Charless Wainwright, Chief of 1st Corps
Artillery. He
touches upon the plan to consolidate the army, and the reasons why it
made sense to do so. And he comments on the rumors floating
around headquarters that General
Meade may be replaced as commanding general of the Army of the Potomac.
Picture of Wainwright's Headquarters.

Culpeper Historian Bud Hall took this
photograph in 1986, of the house where Wainwright headquartered during
the Winter of 1864. The building was eventually raised.
The Journal of Charles Wainwright, March
13, 1864.
From, “A Diary of Battle, The
Personal
Journals
of Colonel Charles S.
Wainwright, 1861-1865”; Edited by Allan Nevins; 1962. [Edited
excerpts from the original journals accessed at the Huntington Library,
San Marino, CA in 2015 by the webmaster.]
March 13, Sunday. We are now having real March
weather, at least as
to changeableness; no two successive days being alike.
Still, the
spring is opening. What little grass there is about here begins
to
look green; the birds have commenced singing of a morning, while
the
frogs and tree toads keep it up all the night long.
I went up to Army headquarters on Friday. There they
told me that
the consolidation question was at a standstill, and that now the
chances seemed to be that it will not be carried out at all; so
much
opposition being brought to bear by the generals who would be deprived
of commands––reduced from a corps to a division, or from division to a
brigade. Could the present corps [First Army Corps] be
filled up to 25,000 or 30,000
effective men, it would be wrong to sink their past history: but
as
they are now only some 10,000 or 15,000 strong, it is absurd to have
such large staffs and such a multiplication of papers.
I also heard there were strong rumors again that
general Meade was
to be relieved. There is no doubt of his unpopularity at
Washington,
but their great trouble is to find some one to take his place. “Baldy”
Smith is most talked of. I know nothing of him except his
laziness at
the first Fredericksburg, and his insubordination on the “mud march.”
A view of headquarters, Brandy Station,
VA, April, 1864. A company of Zouaves in the foreground.
General Grant spent Thursday night at Army
Headquarters. He was
called out West suddenly, but expects to be back in ten days. He
said
while here that the people of Alabama and Mississippi were in a much
more subdued condition than the secessionists of Kentucky and
Tennessee. Also that there really had been over 10,000 deserters
from
the rebel armies out there since the battle of Chickamauga.
Supposing
this to be all so, the rebellion must be pretty well put down out
there. Indeed, they have never shown the pride and obstinacy at
the
West that has been displayed in the older Atlantic States. It is
here
that they will fight the longest, as they have by far the
hardest.
Everything has aimed on their part to retain Virginia––and what a noble
history hers would have been had her cause only been a just one!
I
cannot help admiring the constancy of the “old Dominion” in the midst
of such suffering and desolation as has been totally unknown to any
other part of the country. Her people have not only poured out
their
money and their blood without stint, but from this state have come all
the greatest and best men; Lee, Sidney Johnston, and Stonewall
Jackson
will always figure as the greatest and purest generals on the rebel
side in this war.*
(This journal entry continues at length on other
topics.)
NOTE: (by Alan Nevins, the editor of
Wainwright's published Journal). Wainwright's belief that Albert
Sydney
Johnston had been a Virginian was as gross a misconception as his
notion that the fighting at Shiloh, Stones River, and Chickamauga was
somehow less fierce than that at Antietam and Gettysburg.
Johnston had been born in Kentucky and became a Texan.
THE INTRIGUE
AGAINST
GENERAL MEADE
The speech by Minnesota Senator Morton
S. Wilkinson mentioned in this news clip is referenced in the essay
that follows it.
National
Republican.
––––––––––––––––––
WASHINGTON, D.C.
==================
FRIDAY MARCH 3, 1864.
––––––––––––––––––––––––––
General
Meade at Gettysburg.
It is understood that the statement made by Senator
Wilkinson, in his speech on Wednesday, to the effect that General Meade
ordered a retreat from Gettysburg, and that the order would have been
carried out but for the circumstance that one of the corps commanders
got into a fight before he received it, is supported by the testimony
of Generals Sickles and Doubleday before the Committee on the Conduct
of the War, they having testified after the first day’s fighting,
General Meade issued orders to his forces to fall back to a point
seventeen mile southerly from Gettysburg.
Pictures of Generals Daniel Sickles
& Abner Doubleday
Daniel Sickles, earned the reputation
of
a scoundrel before the Civil War. He owed his military allegiance
to
Major-General Joseph Hooker who gave him his corps command. General
Meade
replaced Hooker as commander of the Army of the Potomac on June 28,
1863, at the insistence of the Lincoln administration. When
General Sickles healed from his Gettysburg wounds,
General Meade refused to give him back his command, for good
reasons. Abner Doubleday found himself in command of the
First Army Corps at Gettysburg, July 1st, when his superior officer
John Reynolds was killed. Few had faith in his leadership
abilities and that evening General Meade gave command of Doubleday's
Corps to Major-General John Newton. Thus both Sickles and
Doubleday disliked General Meade.
Letter of
General Meade to his Wife, March
8, 1864.
To Mrs. George G. Meade:
Headquarters
Army of the Potomac, March 8, 1864
I am curious to see how you take the explosion of the
conspiracy to
have me relieved for it is nothing less than a conspiracy, in which the
committee on the Conduct of the War, with Generals Doubleday and
Sickles, are the agents. Grant is to be in Washington to-night,
and as he is to be commander in chief and responsible for the doings of
the Army of the Potomac, he may desire to have his own man in command,
particularly as I understand he is indoctrinated with the notion of the
superiority of the Western armies, and that the failure of the Army of
the Potomac to accomplish anything is due to their commanders.
The following essay is written by
George Meade, (son of the General) as background information to the
cabal in Washington that tried to have General Meade replaced as
commander of the Army of the Potomac. The chief instigators were
political supporters of General Joseph Hooker. He was their
preferred man, although they would not say it, when President Lincoln
asked them directly about it.
The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade,
Major-General United States Army by George Meade, New York,
1913. (p. 170-173).
I've tried to make this passage from the
book more readable by cutting some of the editorializing and
superfluous words the author used in defending his father. The
facts given in themselves are accurate.
The joint committee was authorized by act of Congress in
December, 1861. It was composed of three members of the Senate and four
of the House of Representatives, and instructed to examine into the
conduct of the war. It was continued through successive Congresses,
until after the close of the war, nearly the same members as originally
appointed serving throughout its whole existence––certainly the
controlling members.
Committee member, Daniel W. Gooch
of Massachusetts, (Republican) & Benjamin F. Loan of
Missouri. Loan
served as a Brigadier-General in the Missouri militia,was discharged in
June 1863, and elected to congress as a Union Emancipationist.
The committee was composed in March, 1864, of Senator
Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio, Chairman, and Senators Zachariah Chandler,
of Michigan, Benjamin F. Harding, of Oregon; Representatives Daniel W.
Gooch, of Massachusetts, George W. Julian, of Indiana, Moses F. Odell,
of New York, and Benjamin F. Loan, of Missouri.
Committee members George W. Julian of
Indiana, (Republican); Benjamin F. Harding of Oregon,
(Democrat), & Moses F. Odell, of New York, (Democrat).
…General Meade in his …letter …dated March 6, 1864,
relates how greatly he was surprised, on his arrival in Washington on
March 4, to find the whole town talking of the grave charges that had
been made against him before the committee, in connection with the
battle of Gettysburg. This was the first intimation he had that
the committee was even examining into the Gettysburg campaign, let
alone that any charges had been made against him.
Reference to the journal of the committee, …shows what
…General Meade had to contend with. It is there seen that the
committee
had undertaken an investigation of the campaign and battle of
Gettysburg on February 26, 1864, Major-General Daniel F. Sickles being
the first witness examined. On March 3, Brigadier-General Albion
P. Howe was examined, the giving of his testimony lasting two
days. On March 4 immediately after the conclusion of General
Howe’s testimony, …appears the following entry:
“The chairman directed the stenographer to enter upon
the journal, that, having become impressed with the exceeding
importance of the testimony taken by the committee, in relation to the
Army of the Potomac, more especially in relation to the incompetency of
the general in command of the army, he and Mr. Chandler had believed it
to be their duty to call upon the President and Secretary of War, and
lay before them the substance of the testimony taken by them, and, in
behalf of the army and the country, demand the removal of General
Meade, and the appointment of some one more competent to command.
They accordingly did so yesterday afternoon, and being asked what
general they could recommend for the command of the Army of the
Potomac, they said that, for themselves, they would be content with
General Hooker, believing him to be competent; but not being
advocates
of any particular general they would say, if there was any general whom
the President considered more competent for the command, then let him
be appointed.
They stated that Congress had appointed the committee to
watch the conduct of the war, and unless this state of things should
soon be changed, it would be their duty to make the testimony public
which had been taken, with such comments as the circumstances of the
case seemed to require.”
So by the printed record of the committee, …Mr. Wade,
the chairman, and Mr. Chandler, the two most prominent and active
members of the committee, had deemed it their duty to wait upon
the President and secretary of war, and “in behalf of the army and the
country,” demand the removal of General Meade.
It happened that Gen’l. Meade was in
Washington that day on business regarding his plan to consolidate the
army corps of the Army of the Potomac..
On the 4th of March, …General Meade was summoned
to appear before the committee, and on the next day, the 5th of March,
he appeared before it, as mentioned in his letter of the 6th of
March. He there says, in that letter of the 6th of March, that
upon presenting himself, in obedience to the summons of the committee,
he found present only Senator Wade, who denied that there were any
charges against him, saying that the committee was merely making up a
history of the war, and was now taking evidence to enable it to give an
account of the battle of Gettysburg. Yet this gentleman …had only
three days before been to see the President and secretary, to request
the removal for incompetency of General Meade from the command of the
Army of the Potomac…
General Meade did, in truth, most inopportunely for the
committee, happen to be in Washington on other business than that in
which he suddenly found himself involved. He had come there
almost providentially, as it seems in a crisis in his affairs.
Senator Morton S. Wilkinson of
Minnesota, (Republican) proclaimed in the Senate March 2nd, that
General Meade did not want to fight at Gettysburg. Chairman of
the Committee on the Conduct of the War, Benjamin F. Wade,
of Ohio, (Republican) lied to General Meade on March 4th, saying he was
not under investigation. Committee member, Zachariah Chandler of
Michigan, (Republican) immediately called upon the president to report
testimony taken against General Meade without telling Meade himself.
Simultaneously with the action of Messrs. Wade and
Chandler, and on the very same day, Senator Wilkinson, of Minnesota,
made a furious onslaught upon him from his place in the Senate Chamber,
but he was by a happy chance there in Washington, to confound his
enemies and bring their machinations to naught.
…Without the slightest preparation, without notes,
memoranda, reports, or data of any kind, with which to refresh his
memory, and with a mind preoccupied with other important and serious
subjects, he gave his testimony before the committee.
Here the case may well rest, the evidence irrefutable
and conclusive, having been submitted.
Another view of headquarters, Army of
the Potomac,
Brandy Station, VA, April, 1864.
Letter of
General Meade to his Wife, March
14, 1864
Headquarters
Army of the Potomac, March 14, 1864.
I wrote you, I think, on the evening of the 10th, the
day Grant was here. It rained all that day, and as he could not
see anything, he determined to return to Washington the next day.
The President having invited both General Grant and myself to dinner on
Saturday, the 12th, I had of course to go up to Washington, and as I
wanted to add to my testimony to the committee, I concluded to go up
with General Grant. When I arrived, I immediately went before the
committee and filed documentary evidence to prove the correctness of my
previous assertion that I never for an instant had any idea of fighting
anywhere but at Gettysburg, as soon as I learned of Reynold’s collision
and obtained information that the ground was suitable. Mr. Wade
was the only member present. He took great pains to endeavor to
convince me the committee were not responsible for the newspaper
attacks on me, and I might rest assured there was no disposition on
their part to do me injustice. Afterwards I saw Mr. Stanton, who
told me Mr. Wade had been to see him, and said my testimony was the
clearest statement that had ever been made to the committee, and that,
as far as he could see, it was perfectly satisfactory in explanation of
all charges against me. I soon found the tide had turned in my
favor and that Sickles had overreached himself. I also
ascertained that Chandler and Wilkinson were my foes on the committee,
that Wade was rather friendly, and that Harding, of the Senate, Gooch
and Odell, of the House, were my warm friends.
Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton, pictured.
I think I wrote you you that the Secretary had
officially inquired of me by what authority I had written to Hon.
Reverdy Johnson, a Senator, about military affairs, and that I had
replied to him I did not require any authority to write a private
letter to a friend, defending myself from slanders. When I saw
Mr. Stanton I referred to this matter, when he told me his letter had
been written in my interest; that I had made a great mistake in
writing
to Mr Johnston, who was showing it to everybody, and making it appear
he was my chosen champion; and that his political status was such that
my identification with him could not fail to damage me and my
cause. He said he was aware of how I had been led into the step,
and all he wanted was just such a reply as I had made, which he would
now show to Senators and Representatives when they called on him to
know
what my relations were with Reverdy Johnston. I fortunately met
Mr. Johnston in the street, begged him to consider my letter strictly
private, and borrowed it to copy for file in the War Department.
I think I told you I was very much pleased with General
Grant. In the views he expressed to me he showed much more
capacity and character than I had expected. I spoke to him very
plainly about my position, offered to vacate the command of the Army of
the Potomac, in case he had a preference for any other. This he
declined in a complimentary speech, but indicated to me his intention,
when in this part of the country, of being with the army. So that
you may look now for the Army of the Potomac putting laurels on the
brows of another rather than your husband.
Return to Table of Contents
Picket
Duty
The narrative on this page now turns to
the 13th MA. In the following letter, original member Sergeant
George H. Hill, is eagerly looking forward to the time when he can
leave his army life behind and return home.

The expression is that “Time Flies.”
But not when its March, 1864, in the Army of the Potomac, and
you are eagerly awaiting the month of July, so you can go home.
It's
more like “Time Stands Still.”
Letter of Sergeant George Henry Hill,
March 13, 1864
For
variety's sake, I posted a pre-war portrait of George H. at age 19,
instead of his usual military picture; courtesy of his family
descendants.
Camp near Mitchels
Station
Sunday March 13––1864
Dear Father
Another week has passed and the time
we all long for
is so much nearer. I find it hard to live up to the maxim which
Mother always taught me, “never wish time away” and often find myself
wishing it was July, but it will soon be so and then if I live I hope
to meet you all in good health.
We are somewhat excited now about
the proposed consolidation of corps. The report is that we are to
be put in the 6th. We feel quite indignant to think
that we are
to loose our identity as a corps after so faithfully earned it, while
the sixth has done comparatively no fighting.
If Gen. Reynolds had lived it would
not have been
done, however it is with us only four months more anyway and I shall
always pride myself on belonging to the “old first corps”.
Commanded by Hooker & Reynolds our Corps was second to none and we
naturally feel that it is our right to retain the number.
Of course I have no need to send love to you and Ma for
you know I am always
Your affect son
Geo H.
From the Diary of
Samuel
D. Webster, Company D:
Excerpts of this
diary (HM 48531) are used with permission from The Huntington Library,
San Marino, CA.
Monday, March 14th, 1864
Inlying picket. Camp
visited by two F F V’s, who
drove a very small mule, in a springless wagon, and sat upon the
floor. The boys were as deferential to them as possible, owing
to their sex entirely. Grass is coming up, and everything begins
to look well. Gen. Grant is in command, and there is considerable
talk of reorganizing the army.
Illustration of Camp Guard, by James
Fuller Queen, titled, “Sketches with Co. B, 8th Reg. Pa. Ma. under the
officers of the old Southwark Guards.” (Library of Congress).
From the Diary of
Calvin Conant:
(On file at the Army Heritage Education
Center, Carlisle, PA).
Sunday, March 13, 1864. Very plesant day I
am on guard to day Inspection by Company
Mast[er]
Sarg[ent] Cody has gone to Culpeper or to the Signal Station
[Note: From the roster: Edward W. Cody; age, 24; born, Boston;
clerk; mustered
in as Sergeant, Company C, July 16, 1861; mustered out as 1st
Lieutenant, August 1, 1864; residence; Boston.]
Monday, March 14, 1864. Very plesant day I
am of guard the Reg is on? the? Picket line? Police party
to
Clean up Camp Brigade drill this after? noon by
Leonard our
Reg is out
Thursday, March 15, 1864. Plesant day rather Windy
toward night had a little floury? of snow? about noon
I am on guard Capt Chas Morse of the 6th A. C. is down here
today had a good dinner to day of Steak and
eggs & can hardly move eat so much*
*NOTE: When I photographed
Calvin's diary, the pages for the March 16 & 17
entries, stuck together, and I
did not get a photo of them. Unfortunately something significant
happened on the 16th as recorded in Sam Webster's
journal. Dr. Whitney's servant, “Stake,” accidentally shot and
killed his best friend in the colonel's tent. See article, “Some
Camp Followers” below.
The following two
articles written by
13th MA soldier Clarence Bell, were published in Bivouac
Magazine 1882-1885. I have photo-copies of this first article––
from
which this was transcribed. These photo-copies were some of the
earliest regimental writings I obtained from outside the 13th MA
Circulars, (1888-1922).
The copies were given to me by fellow 13th MA descendant &
researcher Greg
Dowden, back in the early 2000's. This first piece is
an excerpt from Clarence Bell's long article titled “When You Were
Mad.” Its
original setting is the Fredericksburg Campaign, but it fits equally
well here.
“When You Were Mad” (excerpt)
by Clarence Bell
Bivouac Magazine, 1883; (p. 305-307).
In the original article, the author
winds through a long series of annoyances experienced by common
soldiers in the volunteer army. He begins with the green recruits
of 1861 and works his way up to the more experienced soldier. I
love how Clarence inserts the machinations of the mind of a soldier on
picket into his narrative. Herein we join the article in
mid-stream.
Can you remember any event in your military life that
set you “bilin’”
in a greater degree than to be detailed for picket just at the close of
an all-day, fifteen or twenty-mile march; when, to use your own
forcible, yet expressive term, you were completely “bunged up?”
There you were, covered with dust; hair, eyebrows, clothes, every
thing
that you possessed carrying evidences of the various kinds of soil over
which you had passed during that long, dreary day. The corners of
your mouth, your eyes, your ears, and even your throat, lined with the
deposits from that “cloud by day” that had accompanied your
wanderings. Just as you had buttoned your “shelter” to that of
your chum; had spread your blankets, and had flung yourself into
your
lair for a preliminary rest before getting your supper; just then
along came the orderly sergeant, and inserted the metaphorical fingers
of discipline into the collar of your coat, “shaking” you right out of
repose with : “Private Snickers, you’re detailed for
picket.”
For an instant you were speechless, the ponderous fist
of authority had knocked you with a single blow from the seventh heaven
of comfort into the bottomless pit of despair. You had carefully
counted noses for your turn of picket, and had reckoned that there was
a full week of immunity yet for you. You could not comprehend how
that host ahead of you had slipped out of their places. You proceeded
to expostulate: “Why, sergeant, I only came off from camp-guard
on
Tuesday, and this is Thursday. There’s a lot ahead of me, ––Tom,
and Bill, and Joe ––– where are they?”
“Tom’s pitching the colonel’s tent; Bill’s used
up, and
gone to the
hospital; Joe’s straggled, and hasn’t come in yet.
I’m sorry, but there’s no help for it.” Of course he was
sorry;
he sympathized with you from the bottom of his heart. His own
aching bones told him that you needed rest, and it was a very
disagreeable task for him to designate you for three day’s picket duty.
The position of an orderly sergeant is a very thankless
honor.
Just in sight of the promised land –– a shoulder strap –– repelled by
those above him with a sort of “keep your distance” air ––barely
respected by two or three score of men below him ready to take umbrage
at the mildest exercise of his authority –– associated with the
“non-coms,” yet unable to relax enough from the dignity of his office
to form any friendly companionships –––he exists, a caste by himself,
and is on an equality only with the others of his rank in the regiment.
Feeling yourself to be the victim of a tyranny without
parallel in the
annals of time, you packed up your “duds,” strapped on your knapsack,
buckled your equipments into the old sore spots on you body, poked
along up to headquarters, and reported for duty, mad clean
through. The line of pickets was certain to be two or three miles
off, and you had to plod over rough roads, through a brook, and into a
wilderness of briers and scrub oaks to get there. Why couldn’t they
have the picket-line close to camp, so that you
might
have your supper with the “boys,” and sleep in you tent when your tour
of duty was done?
By they, you meant all those above you, from
“Father Abraham”
down to Corporal Bayonet. Let them put you in charge of the army,
and you would show them how to conduct a campaign. You’d make it
comfortable for the “boys” all the time; paymaster every
day; a
constant “free bow” at the sutler’s; a barrel of whiskey issued
with
every box of hard-tack. You would dispense entirely with the
enemy ––no need of him in you campaign ––you would
possess the
land free from all incumbrances of that character. There couldn’t
be an enemy in the regime that you would inaugurate.
Don’t you
remember the delusion that you used to hug to yourself, soothing and
condoling you somewhat in all your tribulations, if they, that
mythical they, would only let the common soldiers of both armies come
together and talk the matter over, you’d soon have peace?
All
you’d got to do was to hang half a dozen of the leaders on each side,
and that was the end of it. Just think of it now. Suppose
for a moment that you had had your way; that you and Johnny had
sat
down between the lines at Fredericksburg to settle the thing.
Suppose that you had set to work on your “slate” to pick out the six
leaders from your side, what names would you have written down?
You would have been there to this day writing down and rubbing out
again, and the only name that you would have there would be that of
your orderly sergeant with two-thirds of an inclination to rub him out
too. And Johnny would have had no better success on his “slate”
than you had had with yours. [A.R. Waud sketch shows opposing
pickets fraternizing.
But to return to that picket-line. You
preferred
to have your
misery in large doses, so you arranged with the other reliefs for four
hours on, and eight off. Consequently, after you had filled up on
canteen-water and hard-tack, you sat down against a tree to rest until
ten o’clock, which was the time of your service. You slept like a
post,
and it seemed as if you had hardly begun to doze when you were shaken
up to be told that it was time.
Somehow or other you got out
there, but did not get waked up until you were left alone in the
darkness at your station. You had about made up your mind that
all you had to do was to kill time until you were relieved, when just a
little way from you something snapped.
What it was you could not
guess ––to this day you are ignorant ––probably it was only a decaying
twig that had parted from a limb by its own weight; but it gave
you a
touch of the cold shivers, and set you broad awake in a jiffy.
You opened your eyes wider and wider, gazing into the darkness,
endeavoring to penetrate the mystery. You stretched your ears
longer and longer to catch the sound of approaching stealthy steps
until you felt like a cross between a screech-owl and a
donkey. There was that black thing out there motionless;
but you
could not remember to have seen it before. To be sure it was only
a cedar bush, but being in the guerrilla country, you were expecting
visitors, and felt sure that that sombre figure was one of them. You had your musket at full cock, ready to blaze
away. Just then
by some accident the man on the post beyond you discharged his
piece. That was enough for you, the whole Confederate army must
be outside there, so you banged away at that black thing, and the
entire line of pickets, catching the contagion of suspicion, fired in
quick succession by twos and threes.
When the excitement had died
away, and you had settled to the conclusion that there was no enemy
near, you had a chance to think of your own miserable fate again.
Your discontent was partly mitigated by the knowledge that after that
volley there could not be anything sleeping within five miles of
you. Misery loves company is the saying, though there is a doubt
as to misery loving anything.
After you had been an hour on your post, you
concluded
that your task
was about fulfilled, and that the four hours had sped away. You began
to
turn your attention to the interior rather than to the exterior of the
line. You listened for the indications from the rendezvous that
the relief was being called. How you fumed and grumbled at the
peace that seemed to have settled over everything. You knew that
the corporal and every one else had fallen asleep, all snoring but
you. You half believed that all the pickets but you were
slumbering. You stinted yourself; you walked up and down
your
beat fifty times, imagining that at the end of the count
the
relief would certainly be there. But they did not come, so you
counted a thousand, hurrying up on the last hundred, so as to get done
before the challenge came. Then you slowed up on the last ten, so
as not to get it done too soon, and when you began to
fear that
there was a possibility of this being one of those Arctic nights that
last for weeks and weeks; when you seriously contemplated
suicide; when
you had placed your gun to blow out your brains, or rather to make a
hole in your head to see if you had any brains at all, just then you
heard the clanking of scabbards, and the jingling of the equipments of
the relief. And you don’t remember anything more until you were
roused up to go on again, with the pleasant rays of the sun thawing out
the frigidity of your soul.
Return to Table of Contents
Some
Camp Followers of the Thirteenth
Massachusetts
On March 16, in the Colonel's
tent, Dr.
Whitney's servant Stake accidentally shot and killed his friend
Sport. Sam Webster mentions the incident in his diary.
Clarence Bell tells the tale in another excerpt from one of his Bivouac
articles.
Diary of Sam Webster
continued:
Wednesday, March 16, 1864
Applied for pass,
disapproved. “Stake,” Dr. Whitney’s
darky, accidentally shot another nig. today.
“Some Camp Followers of the
Thirteenth
Massachusetts” (excerpt)
by Clarence Bell.
Thirteenth Regiment Association Circular #10, December, 1897.
This article is one of the
earliest to
be published in the Thirteenth Regiment Association Circulars.
Author Clarence Bell was already a seasoned writer whose works spanned
the 3 year run of Bivouac Magazine, 1885 –– 1887; another
enterprise
with
former soldiers of the 13th regiment serving as senior editors.
This
article was written for publication in the Circulars upon request of
Charles E. Davis, jr., Secretary of the
Association.
Dr. Allston Whitney's servant, “Stake,” is the featured protagonist of
Bell's reminiscence, and his story accordingly takes up 7/8 of the
essay. After the story of Stake ends, the original article continues
on, with the
mention of a few other “contraband,” who followed the 13th MA, most
notably, “George Washington,”
who longed for the time when the government would accept the services
of black soldiers. Washington subsequently enlisted when the
opportunity presented itself and served bravely in one of Burnside's
units in 1864. I'm going to limit this excerpt to the story
of Stake, because
the day he accidentally shot his friend was March 16th, 1864, and here
it best fits into the chronology of the regiment. George
Washington's story will come later in time.
Wherever the armies of the Union campaigned in
the South, the sons of Africa, no matter how gentle the yoke under
which they labored, forsook the home of the master to seek for freedom
under the starry banner, the great majority, of course, crossing the
natural barrier of the Potomac to obtain employment in the vicinity of
the capital, or, leaving the imaginary boundary of Mason and Dixon's
line behind them, to secure a livelihood as far removed as possible
from the scenes of slavery. Many of the men, or so-called “boys,”
joined the various regiments of the army, as officers' servants,
assistants to company cooks, teamsters, or in any other capacity, when
their services were needed or their presence could be tolerated.
In the earlier months of the war, the
fugitive-slave law
being still in force, the first comers to the Union camps were returned
to the slave-owners in Maryland, and even Massachusetts regiments were
concerned in the surrender of the human property to the custody of the
master. The vigorous protest of Governor Andrew stopped this
inhuman practice, and when the Thirteenth reached the field in the
midsummer of 1861 the fleeing slave needed no “freedom papers” to
obtain the recognition of his right to labor in his own behalf.
From the first disembarkation of the regiment at Hagerstown to the
final withdrawal from the lines at Petersburg, the dusky sons of Ham
were present in the camps and bivouacs of the Thirteenth in numbers at
times reaching to a score or more. They speedily doffed the
garments of bondage and donned the army blue; the cast-off apparel of
the soldier furnishing a wardrobe capable of some selection as to fit,
though doubtful as to cleanliness, while generally bordering on
dilapidation. When thus garbed the "contraband," as he was
invariably
called, differed but little in appearance from the ordinary soldier,
save that he was never able to overcome the habits of servitude,
exemplified in a general slouchiness of manner coupled with a lounging
gait, brought on, presumably, from his reluctance to begin his master's
work, and, having begun, to perform any more than was necessary to
secure his food and raiment.
In mentioning a few of those who sought the
sheltering
tents of the Thirteenth, first and foremost comes to mind the clown,
the jester, the vagabond,––“Stake.” The very mention of the name
brings to the face the smile of memory. It is hardly necessary to
describe him to any member of the regiment. Every one knew him.
Every one was influenced by his broad guffaw of hilarity, a literal
burst of mirth. The butt for the wit of every one, yet a master
of retort himself, however illiterate in expression. It must also
be
said that he was the very imp of prevarication and trickery. His
ringing laugh enlivened the camp, and served to make endurable the most
dreary march. Of full negro features and dialect, the light,
tan-colored complexion betrayed the taint of the Caucasian in his
pedigree, perhaps explaining the source of his wit.

This may be a photo of Dr.
Whitney
with his servant, Stake. This is a cropped image from a photo
carried by my G. G. Grandfather who was in Company K of the 13th
Mass. In the photo, he labeled Doctor's Whitney
& Heard (Heard cropped out here) and the man with the horse as
“servant.”
The photo was taken by 13th Reg't. photographer, George Crosby, at
Williamsport, Md. during the winter of '61––'62. Its the reader's
guess if the man pictured fits the description provided by Clarence
Bell.
I am not sure that any one knew his right name,
yet have
an impression that it was George Jones. At any rate, whatever it
was, he never went by any other title than “Stake” while with the
Thirteenth, and the good doctor, whose nominal servant he was, never
called him any other. Upon the march, when reaching a halt, we
knew by the call of “Ho ! Stake !” that the doctor wanted his
canteen,
of which Stake was the very untrustworthy custodian, and we passed
along the shout to where the group of contrabands lagged in the rear of
the regiment. As Stake possessed a robust appetite for both
liquids and solids, dainties or necessities, the doctor could count
himself a lucky man if he found a full canteen, or if the "Spiritus
frumenti" possessed its original strength. Whatever its
condition, the amiable surgeon took it all in good part, and
appreciated the joke even when it was against himself.
I have heard the doctor from the opening of
his tent call and call again for his wool-topped servant, when the
rascal was reclining under the very lee of the canvas, lazily polishing
a belt plate, or putting a dubious shine on the doctor's boots. And all
the time the servant's face was puffed out with suppressed mirth, while
his almost invisible eyes twinkled with enjoyment at the doctor's
impatience for his presence. But when he did reply, how the
observers would snicker to both see and hear him throw his voice into
the very depths of his throat, as if answering from a great distance,
gradually raising it as he was presumed to be coming nearer, until he
slowly rose from his place of comfort in the sunshine, replying in his
natural voice, with some symptoms of alacrity, as he crawled from under
the ropes, and presented himself before his angry patron, with “Here I
is, doctor,” simulating a shortness of breath, as if greatly fatigued
from running a long distance to respond to the summons.
It was almost side-splitting to observe his
countenance
as he solemnly denied the doctor's assertion –– “You heard me all the
time, you black rascal, you” Knowing what we did, we were forced
to yield the encouraging laugh, as with a face smoothed to a semblance
of truthfulness he answered, “Deed I didn't, 'deed I didn't! I
come as quick as I could, soon's I heard you holler.”
We could never have faith in the acceptance by the
doctor of this assertion as truth. He knew that Stake would lie,
and seemed to be satisfied with his having responded at all.
It is inconceivable just how the doctor regarded
his
almost useless servant. To be sure, the latter managed to take
care of his employer's horse, in a fashion, he even polished his boots
at times, but he always took his own time about it, blending it into a
sort of a frolic. As far as his relations to the doctor were
concerned, he was a perfect spoiled child, given to pranks, with a keen
appetite for mischief day and night. I think the doctor had a
perpetual curiosity as to what he would do next, or how he would
extricate himself from a scrape.
The servant seemed to
have but
little respect
for his employer, and acted as if he was contributing the greater part
of his existence to the latter's amusement. Consequently it was
no more than fair that the doctor should contribute, in a measure, to
Stake's enjoyment. He was known to tickle the doctor's foot with
a straw, when a careless movement in sleep had caused an exposure from
the scanty folds of the blanket, and then maintain absolute silence,
crouched on the ground behind the doctor's cot, or possibly hiding
beneath it.
There came a time in early June, 1863, when the
army of
the Potomac moved north from in front of Fredericksburg, and the doctor
was left behind, in charge of a hospital, containing such of the
wounded as could not be safely moved away. Stake had no idea of
allowing the Confederates to lay violent hands on him, and curtail his
career of liberty and license. He abandoned his indulgent
employer and sought a life of ease, amid the enjoyments of
Washington.*
The doctor was promptly deposed from his position,
as
soon as the enemy crossed the Rappahannock, and for many months he
suffered the hardships of imprisonment within the walls of the Libby
warehouse at Richmond. He was not exchanged till the ensuing
winter, and when he arrived in Washington almost the first person he
met was his mulatto servant, Stake.
Whether it was a joyful
meeting for the doctor, or otherwise, cannot be told, but his regard
revived enough for him to immediately decide to take Stake to the front
with him. Repairing to Willard's Hotel, for his luggage, he
directed
Stake to await his return in the corridor, while he himself passed
upstairs to his room. Very soon after, an officer of considerable
rank entered the hotel and spying Stake loafing about the hall,
supposed him to be an employee of the establishment. The officer
tossed his handsomely trimmed overcoat to Stake, with the injunction,
“Hold
that for me,” and then passed along to the desk. In a few minutes
the doctor returned, and calling to Stake, the pair took their way to
the railroad station, where the train was taken for Culpeper, the
winter quarters of the Army of the Potomac. At the camp, the
costly garment worn by Stake excited the curiosity of the observers,
and somebody asked him, “Isn't that rather an expensive overcoat you
are wearing, Stake? Where did you get it?”
“De gin'ral told me to
hold it
fer him, an
I'se a doin' it, boss. I'se a holdin' it, for sure.”
When the doctor resumed
his
position as
brigade surgeon, Stake brought along a chum, a full-blooded negro of
somewhat civilized manners, who was known by no other name than that of
“Sport.” He was a fairly well-bred sort of fellow, and in later
years would have achieved fame for style in the modern cake-walk.
He
speedily made himself at home at brigade headquarters, and was accepted
as a servant by Colonel Leonard, then commanding, giving satisfaction
to his employer. Stake and Sport were inseparable chums, and
bunked together in the attic of the house about which the tents were
pitched, the colonel's tent, rather larger than the others, occupying
the centre of a group, with the house on one flank, and the farm
out-buildings on the other.
Right here it must be told, that Stake and Sport
had
acquired a strong liking for the drama, particularly the melodrama,
from having visited the theatres at Washington, and they would often
rehearse imaginary scenes of tragic interest, unabashed by the presence
of spectators, and rather wooing the liberal applause of the
appreciative audience. One bright frosty morning, as I stepped
into the open air from the door of the house, I heard the sharp crack
of a pistol shot that seemed to be close at hand. The sentry
patrolling the line of officers' tents heard it at the same time and
ran to the colonel's quarters, lifted up the flap of the tent and
looked in. Just then Stake sneaked out, his countenance assuming
a sort of muddy pallor, for the moment completely sobered by what had
happened. The guard was called and a squad soon bore from the
tent the body of poor Sport, a ruddy stream trickling down his
coal-black face, from a small bullet hole in the centre of his
forehead.
The story is soon told. The bosom friends,
overcome by their passion for the drama, had taken possession of the
colonel's weapons, Sport brandishing the sword and Stake flourishing
the pistol. They had reached the climax of “Villain, defend
yourself!” when Stake, in an unguarded moment, had pressed the trigger,
and that was the end of poor Sport. A pine coffin was brought
down from Culpeper; a grave was dug in a small cemetery near the house,
and the chaplain of the One Hundred and Seventh Pennsylvania officiated
at the funeral, while Stake stood at the head of the coffin as chief
mourner. This was in the morning of the day succeeding that of
the fatality, yet before sunset Stake had recovered his equanimity and
was ready to laugh on the slightest encouragement.
While honesty and truthfulness constituted no part
of
Stake's character, mischievousness more than made up for the
deficiency. The doctor's stores of tobacco and spirituous
comforts were looked upon as common property, Stake appropriating the
lion's share unless watched. He played one trick on his lenient
master that ought to have terminated his career of viciousness, but
being always ready to accept forgiveness, the misdemeanor was passed
over, as had been the multitude of deviltries already rounding out his
record. Being given a sum of money to make a purchase for his
patron, he brought back the change, consisting of fractional currency,
rolled in a wad, inside of which was imprisoned a bee. The
weather being warm, the doctor had dispensed with his vest, and
inclining to carelessness in money matters, he took the roll and
stuffed it, as it was, into his fob pocket, without looking at
it. Stake sneaked off to roll on the grass and to chuckle over
the dilemma that his victim would soon be in, when the bee would be
seeking an avenue for escape from his uncomfortable quarters. When
interrogated by a bystander, regarding the source of his hilarity, he
unburdened himself of the whole plot, expecting an appreciative
listener. The latter upbraided the rascal for the scurvy trick on
the popular doctor, and induced him to return to his victim and
endeavor to prevent the accomplishment of the mischief.
Stake approached the doctor and told him that
something
was wrong with the money that had been handed to him. He did not
dare to own up to the trick, but hoped to get possession of the money,
release the bee, and then return the wad without being found
out. His actions only served to excite suspicion. The
doctor would not yield possession of the money, but poked about in his
pocket until the bee stung him on the finger, when Stake abruptly fled
from the uncorking of the vials of his wrath.
Just before the regiment left City Point,
Virginia, for home, an officer came to headquarters, and singling out
the doctor, said, in great wrath, “Your nigger has stolen my horse.”
To say that the doctor was amazed would be
stating it mildly. To be sure, horse-stealing had advanced to a
high art, in the onward sweep of war, through the enemy's country, but
the act was designated by a milder term –– confiscation.
Then, too, the equine article was contraband of
war. The doctor knew that he had a near kin to Satan in his
employ; but a horse-thief, stealing from an officer serving under
the
same flag –– NEVER.
He repelled the accusation with much
indignation. He became a heated champion for the downtrodden
African, and for a long time refused to consider the charge at
all. Yielding at length to urgent solicitation, he called his
servant for examination.
“Stake! did you steal this man's horse?”
With a look of the most
profound innocence,
eyes wide open, likewise his mouth, his breath, quick and short,
betraying his amazement, and both hands raised as if to shield virtue
from the attack of viciousness, he ejaculated as soon as he could
recover his equilibrium –– “What! Me steal a hoss? I nebber stole a
hoss
in all mah life. I swar to goodness I nebber seed dat man's hoss.”
His protestations were in
vain. The
charge was reiterated again and again. Nothing would satisfy the
accuser save a search of the tent occupied by Stake and other servants
belonging at the brigade headquarters. One of the first articles
culled from under the blankets was a bridle, promptly recognised by the
officer as his property. That was enough, yet the culprit was equal to
the emergency ––
“Stake, where did you get this?”
“Jess borrowed it, sah. Jess borrowed it,
but,
'fore de Lord, I nebber knowed dere was any hoss in it, sah !”
The officer insisted on making an example of
the villain, and Stake was hauled away to the guard-house for trial and
punishment.
The regiment soon departed for home and the
doctor went along with it, leaving Stake in the clutches of the law,
––martial law. It can only be told that the doctor was much
relieved, as
he no doubt had contemplated his return to civil life with some
embarrassment as Stake, having been an annoying pet in the open
country, would have been trebly so within the rigid confines of
civilization.
A few years afterward, when dining at a
prominent hotel in Boston with a friend, he noticed a grinning darkey
standing near his table. For a moment he did not recognize the
man, and then it came like a flash.
“Stake, is that you? What are you doing here?”
“Yes, it's me, doctor. Couldn't stay away from
you, nohow.”
But the doctor was steel this time.
“You take mighty good care that you don't come
any nearer to me than this hotel, if you know when you are well off !”
The admonition served. That gulf was
never bridged.
*NOTE: For more about Dr.
Whitney's capture, see the 1863 page of this website titled, "General
Hooker in Charge; Back in Camp" and the John Fay's Memoir titled "Libby
Prison."
Return to Top of Page
Daily
Camp Life; Three Letters of James Ross,
March 16 - 18
James' regiment, the "9th" NY
Militia,
was camped back in Culpeper but occasionally sent men down to the
Signal Station at Garnett's Peak (Cedar Mountain) to help out
with
the outpost and picket duty. In this letter James talks
about how the service uses
up men.
From: “Willing to Run the Risks;
Letters from the Civil War, Private James Ross, 9th N.Y.S.M., Co. G,
August 1863 –– May 1864.”
Culpepper Va
Mar 16th
1864
Dear Willie:
I recd. a letter from you more than a week
ago. I
am
ashamed that I
have not answered it before something occurred to prevent me just when
I recd. it and the time has slipped away since and it has not been
done. I wish that I had something to write you this morning, but I have
not.
We have just had breakfast in the shanty and are
waiting
for drill
call. Things go on much as usual with us no moves nor signs of any but
the time approaches when a move must come and for that time we wait.
Bill went off to the invalid corps the other
morning. I
believe that I
mentioned his departure in a letter to father he has made his last
march in the army of the Potomac and for his own sake I am glad of
it.
Bill is a good fellow but he has not the constitution that a soldier
needs. I dare say that he may now get his discharge. I hope that he
may. sixteen others went off with him, two of them beside Bill were
from our company it is strange how the army uses men up. the
company is
not half the size that it used to be and but few have died, none been
killed, some are in hospital, some in Richmond, some in the invalid
corps some dead, &c
The 96th Regt. is home on furlough they have
reenlisted for the war. Kingsley came in off picket last night (we send
out a picket once in ten days now) he says that negroes and deserters
continue to come in. A large squad of negroes came in the night before
he left one of them had been owned by a sutler near Orange Court
house
he got a pass to go to the Court House to buy a pair of boots and when
there paid one hundred dollars in rebel script for a pilot across the
river. he says that the rations of the rebel soldiers are a quarter of
a pound of meat and a cup of meal or flour, they get coffee or sugar
once in a great while he says that the men are heartily
sick of the
whole thing and many declare that if the affair is not settled by
spring that they wont stay in the army longer. he says that many who
wish to desert dare not try it for they do not know the direct route to
the yankee camps and they fear being out a day or two on the road
wading rivers &c in their their clothes and shoes.
The boys had a
scare out at the signal station the other night one
of our cavalry
pickets raised an alarm I guess for the mere excitement of the thing.
There was a great row a squadron charged where they supposed the enemy
was, and when they were returning the infantry mistaking them in the
dark gave them a volley and killed a horse and with this the affair
ended.
I got some paper from father last Saturday night
and a
paper
Sunday night. The paper is just what I want a good size and about as
heavy as I like it here. Please do not delay writing to me
because I have not done the fair thing by you. Good Bye for the
present.
Your
brother
James Ross
2 Letters March 18, 1864
The collection of James Ross's
wonderfully detailed Civil War letters, which I have been posting
on this site, takes its title from a line he wrote in this letter to
his father on March 18. The title of the compilation of letters
is “Willing to Run the Risks.” In this letter James mentions the
false alert that penetrated the Army First Corps on March 18.
This is detailed a bit more in the next section titled, “A False
Alarm.”
Culpepper Va.
Mar.18th
1864
Dear Father
Yours of the 14th came to hand last
night. I
should have
sent off an
answer today but have been so busy that I have not had time. I
have
answered all your letters since being here just as soon as they were
recd. but I let one of Willie’s slip till yesterday I think, when I
sent him one. I
had a letter from Annie this evening they are all
well
at home and they think that that picture of you is rather a fine
thing.
It matches well with Mother’s all the men here think that
you and her
make rather a fine looking couple. It is strange that no one
thinks
that the picture I sent home looks like me. I believe that it is
the
clothing that makes the difference. In the first one that I sent
home I
did not look much different from what I would at home, as I had no gun
or equipments, but in this one clad in an overcoat and buckled and
strapped up of course I would look strange. I fancy my face is
not
quite the same for I know it is a good deal browner than it used to be
and fuller too though for that matter it was never very thin.
We are
just having another scare tonight. We recd orders this afternoon to
pack up and be ready to move at a moments notice. We packed up
accordingly and got ready but the notice has not come yet and I hope it
wont for a few weeks. I do not much admire the plan of trotting
back
and forth on reconnaissances at this season of the year. It is
too
early for the spring campaign to open yet. If they will only let
us
remain here till the weather grows warm they may move us just as much
as they please.
We are kept quite busy now there is quite a heavy
guard
around the regiment and we send out a picket every ten days but the
duty is nothing to what we have been used to. We drill regularly and
the men are getting to have the air and tramp of old soldiers. We are
now having skirmish drill which is a distinct branch by itself
something like old fashioned rifle drill I think. It is to teach
the
men to act as skirmishers. In action the skirmishers always
commence
the action they are thrown out in advance of the army to feel the enemy
and clear the way for those behind them. Skirmishers are deployed
out
at the distance of five paces apart. One rank advances ten paces
and
fires then the other and &c. If cavalry threatens them they
rally
by fours and present their bayonets. The drill is light and easy to
practice here, but at Mine Run when they were hugging the earth likely
to catch a battle bullet every time one of them raised his head it was
not such good fun.
It seems pretty certain that Grant is about to
identify himself with the army of the Potomac. If he does this he will
either make himself one of the biggest names in history or else lose
all the fame that he has won. But it does seem to me that we are to
whip them next summer. I am willing to run the risks of all the
fighting for the sake of gaining this end.
It is now nine oclock and I
must put out my light. The paper you sent was good, just the right
thing. Good bye for tonight. James Ross
Skirmish Formation Diagram by Jack
Coggins
Daily Camp Routine
In this letter James breaks the
news
that he is getting over a severe cold. He writes of the
difficulties a soldier faces trying to
stay healthy in difficult circumstances. This is the untold story
of the soldiers; the everyday discomforts of hard service when one
isn't feeling well. His comments about remaining in wet
damp clothes and sleeping on wet damp bedding to attempt to avoid a
more severe sickness is surprising to read.
Culpepper, Va
Mar. 18th 1864
Dear Sister Myra* :
Your letter of the 13th came to hand
last
evening. I
have therefore
before me this morning the pleasant task of answering it & the
unpleasant one of trying to excuse myself for neglecting to answer your
former letter. I know that I have given you good reason to feel
offended, but let me tell you just under what circumstances I recd. it
and then perhaps you will partly excuse me; though I am well
aware that
you still have reason to feel displeased at my conduct. I recd. it late
in the evening of the 28th of Jan. and we moved out of our
camp at two
oclock the next morning. As soon as we moved I was sent away from
the
regiment, and the rest of the army, to help to guard a signal station.
There it was so difficult to send and receive letters that I wrote only
to father and mother, intending to answer my other letters when I got
back into camp. I remained at the station nearly three weeks, and
when
I returned to the regiment I let the matter slip from time till time.
Till I was surprised and reproached by the receipt of your letter last
night.
When I beheld the direction on the envelope a
sense of
my delinquency
oppressed my mind, and I inwardly hoped that the letter contained a
good scolding but on finding that you entertained the charitable
supposition that I had not received your former letter I was smote to
the heart, and resolved to take the first opportunity of writing to you
confessing my fault, and asking forgiveness. Now you have heard
my
story deal with me as you think best. I
know that you will not use me
more severely than I deserve.
I am sorry to hear that your health has not been
good
this winter.
Judging from the letters that I receive, all the sick people are at
home and all the healthy ones in the army. I have not been as
well this
winter as I was when on the march last fall but still much better than
I would have been at home. I am just recovering from the most
severe
cold, in fact the only severe cold that I have had since being in the
army. It is a singular fact that last fall before we got into
camp I
used to be wet sometimes for two or three days together and never
thought of catching cold. I believe that exercise is the only
thing for
people troubled with lung disease. I find that when I get my
clothes
wet if I change them that I am sure to get more or less cold by the
operation, but if on the other hand I allow them to dry on me nothing
of the sort occurs. it is not pleasant to sleep in wet clothing or
under wet bedding but I have often done it and save feeling a little
stiff in the morning no other inconvenience has followed. Luckily
I am
not disposed to take rheumatism. I pity people here that are for
they
have no mercy shown them. If a man has ever been troubled with
that
disorder let him keep out of the army. But I am not going to
write a
medical treatise. I am well just now, never was better; this is a
most
glorious morning you know of none such north at this season. I
feel as
if I could run, jump, drill, march, or do any thing that it falls to
the lot of a soldier to perform.
You wished to know something of our
condition. if it will interest you I will try and describe to you our
dwelling and mode of life, and you can judge by that how soldiers live
when in winter quarters. Four of us inhabit one house or shanty
as we
call it it is ten feet long and roofed with our shelter
tents. The
walls are built of small logs and are four feet in height. it contains
neither windows nor floor there is a door and fireplace in one end and
the light comes through the roof. in the end opposite the
fireplace are
two bunks (or beds as you call them at home) one is over the other.
They are made of small poles laid lengthwise and covered with pine
boughs. Kingsley and I sleep in the upper bunk, Rogers and
Peelor in
the lower one. We lay our overcoats under us, and have two
blankets for
covering.
All around the walls of the shanty are hung our
cooking
utensils, a box is nailed against one side it contains our
dishes, our
guns lean against the bed, and our equipments are hung upon its
corners. Back of the bed is a shelf hewed from a log which
contains so
many dissimilar articles that I thought a list of them might give you
some idea of how soldiers keep house. Here it is. 1 Bowl
applesauce. 1
Meat board piled with meat 1 Small bag coffee, 1 Piece candle, Part of
a loaf of bread, Half a canteen (used as a plate) 1 Hymn book, 1 loaf
bread, 2 Testaments, 1 Box pepper, 1 mug salt, 1 Penholder, 1 Bottle
ink, 1 Empty flour bag, 1 Paper Saleratus, 1 Can sugar, 1 Can coffee, 1
Plate cold meat, 1 Blacking brush, 1 Box pills, 1 Small Virgil, 1 Ball
yarn.
Now I call that a pretty good assortment. Though I
think
that it would
astonish some of your mothers housekeepers to see it on a shelf in a
kitchen at home. Our daily routine is something like this.
At six in
the morning the daily revillie drums and bugles awake us. We roll
over
and feel disposed for another nap, but roll will be called in a few
minutes and all absentees black marked so reluctantly we tumble out.
Roll call over the fire must be built and
breakfast
prepared, one cuts
meat another makes coffee; and boils potatoes. A third cuts bread
and
arranges the dishes, we eat off an old tub turned upside down.
Breakfast
over the dishes must be washed and then an interval occurs before drill
which each fills to suit himself. One cleans his gun, another
reads, a
third writes.
At half past ten a bugle sounds and the cry is
“fall in
for drill.” We shoulder our muskets, buckle on our equipments,
and
march out. For an hour or so we march, and countermarch. Here is
a
specimen of the orders we receive. Two ranks form company; quick
march!
Front! Right face! Right shoulder shift; Arms! Forward march! File
right; March! By the left flank, march! Guide right; left wheel; March;
Forward march left oblique, march! Forward march, Halt! Order arms;
shoulder arms, Support arms, and so on ad infinitum.
Drill over dinner
must be prepared that over another interval occurs before
afternoon
drill. This generally is battalion drill, that is; a drill in which the
whole regiment participates. In the morning we drill by companies after
afternoon drill we get wood for the next day, brush ourselves up and
get ready for dress parade this occurs at sunset and when it is over
the duties of the day are done.
We
get supper over by dark and from
that time till nine oclock do as we please, read write or chat.
Taps
are then sounded when all lights must be extinguished and we retire.
And so it goes on from day to day. This is the life of a soldier in
winter quarters, very different from the manner in which we live on the
march.
We have had much wet weather lately, but it is
fine and
clear
now spring is coming fast and a move can not be much longer
delayed. We
have moved once since being here. At least the regiment did but that
was while I was absent. They went down to Racoon ford, had a brush with
the enemy, and came back. It rained while they were gone, and
they had
a muddy time of it. We heard the firing at the station and considered
ourselves lucky fellows to be out of the scrape.
When Kilpatrick left
here the Third and Sixth corps, were routed out of their quarters to
divert the attention of the enemy. Our corps had orders to move
also
but they were countermanded. When the other corps moved and left
us in
quiet we were struck with wonder and delighted for it is not
customary for our corps to rest while the others
are moving.
If I remember aright my last letter to you was
from
Kellys Ford. We
moved from that place on the 24th of Dec. to Mitchells
Station, and
from there to Cedar Mountain on the 2nd of Jan.
I spent New
Years day
on the march, and Christmas on picket. We had a lonesome time on
the
mountain. The regiments of our brigade lay on the extreme front of the
army, in view of the rebel camps across the river. We had to go
out on
picket every few days remaining out three days each time.
Negroes
and
deserters came in in great numbers while we were there one
night just
as I came off post at two oclock fourteen negroes came along the line
of all sizes and ages. That was the largest squad that I have ever
seen. You would laugh to see their plight as they enter our lines
dressed in clothing of all kinds and “toting” immense bundles on their
heads. They are forwarded to Washington as fast as they arrive, where
they are put into the freed mans village on
Arlington
Heights,
unless
they choose to go somewhere else and employment is found for them.**
The
deserters come in squads of five or six they are also sent to
Washington but what becomes of them after that I can’t say. Both
negroes and deserters escape by swimming or rather wading the river,
and that is not a pleasant task at this season. They tell us that when
the weather and water gets warm, large numbers who now fear to try the
journey will come over to us. They are all thinly clad and poorly shod.
They say that they receive about a quarter of a pound of meat per day,
and one pint of flour or meal, which seems to us a very insufficient
amount of food.
We have had a number of reviews since being in
camp
this winter. One of them was a review of the entire corps. I
would have
given a months wages if some of my friends north could have seen
us. The day was splendid and the ten thousand men who make the
corps
up with their banners, music, arms, and artillery, made a handsome
showing.
I think it strange that my friends at home do not
recognize the
likeness in my picture, but it looks as much like me now as any picture
can. I think it must be the clothing that make me look strange.
But it
is near dinnertime and I must stop to make coffee. We are going
to have
bread, boiled tongue, and coffee.
Please do not feel too hard against me for
neglecting to
write. If you
wish to punish me do it by heaping coals of fire, that is by
courtesy[?]. Remember me to your mother and believe me. Truly your
brother, J. Ross
NOTES: *Myra is Myra
Signor,
pictured. Her portrait is in the
original
pdf book of letters.
**The following note about the Freedman's camp is from the
original book of James' letters: In May 1863 the government
established a site on
Arlington Heights, “to provide freed slaves with housing and
opportunities for work, training, and education….There were over 50
two-story duplex houses, two churches, a school, a meeting hall,
hospital and home for the aged and infirm.” "Neighborhoods,
Boundary Stones, and Roadways." Arlington Historical Society (VA). Web.
28 Feb. 2012.
Return to Table of Contents
A False
Alarm, March 18, 1864.
The
false report of Rebel Cavalry crossing the Rapidan River in force on
March 10 is an example of an embellished camp story that made its way
into the
13th MA regimental history. James Ross's letter above recalls
instances of canceled marching orders & various alarms in
camp. In the case of the alarm issued to the First Corps on
March 18, ––it all turns out to be a mistake. Many men commented
on it, but nobody could explain the reason for the alarm.
In this particular
case, the
correspondence found in the Official Records of the War
of the Rebellion shows the reason the alert was ordered. It
also demonstrates what a big
ripple a tiny pebble can make.
View of Stony Mountain above the
Rapidan
River near Morton's Ford.
The Brigade that was camped at
Stony
Mountain,
(shown in the upper right of the map below), reported Confederates had
crossed the
Rapidan to the north side of the river, at Raccoon Ford. This
caused an alarm at Army Headquarters, and several troops were placed on
alert. Even Colonel Charles Wainwright who was headquartered
nearer to Culpeper Court-House recorded the alarm in his journal.
He was unsure what caused it, but like others repeating what they
heard, it was
speculated that the dashing Confederate Cavalry Officer J.E.B.
Stuart was planning a raid. This would be of real significance to
the troops on outpost duty, if
true, for they were most susceptible to
be captured by the enemy.
The map shows the location of
Stony
Mountain, in relation
to the camp of the 13th MA and the first brigade at Mitchell's
Station. Also represented is the Yeager Farm, frequently visited
by Sam Webster, and the Union Lookout Station at Garnett's Peak.
The Confederate Lookout was atop Clark's Mountain which is the highest
elevation in the region. The
Rapidan River was the dividing line between the armies, North
& South.
The reports that follow are from, “Official
Records of the The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official
Records of the Union and Confederate Armies.” Series I,
Volume XXXIII. 1891. (pages 689 – 699.).
The Report that Startled the
Army;
1p.m. March 18.
This report from Colonel F.
A. Walker put the alert in motion. General G.
K. Warren references this note of Walker's in the last message posted
in this section, after his chief engineer, Washington
Roebling investigated the matter.
Headquarters
Second Army Corps,
March 18, 1864––1 p.m.
Brigadier-General Williams,
Assistant
Adjutant-General, Army
of the Potomac:
Colonel Smyth, commanding Second Brigade, Third
Division, of this
corps, advanced at Stony Mountain, reports that he is informed by the
cavalry on his front that the enemy have crossed with cavalry at
Raccoon Ford, and that their infantry appears to be preparing to cross,
and that skirmishing has taken place. Colonel Smyth’s brigade is
under arms.
F. A.
WALKER,
Assistant Adjutant-General.
Similar Intelligence Conveyed By A
Contraband
Headquarters
Army of the Potomac,
March, 18, 1864––2 p. m. (Received 2.30 p. m.)
Maj. Gen. H. W. Halleck,
Chief of Staff:
The following information just received, by a
contraband who reached
Mitchell’s Station this morning: Stuart’s cavalry preparing for a
raid from Robertson River. Fitzhugh Lee’s cavalry at
Charlottesville Wednesday. A force of infantry sent to
Fredericksburg last night. Jeff. Davis, Longstreet, and Lee at
Orange Court-House.
GEO. G. MEADE,
Major-General.
Camp Site at Stony Mountain for
the
2nd Brigade, 3rd Division, 2nd Corps
The above sketch was drawn by George H.
Hill of
the
14th Connecticut. It depicts the camp of the 2nd Brigade, 3rd
Division of the 2nd Corps, at Stony Mountain. Like Colonel
Leonard's Brigade at Mitchell's Station, this 2nd Corps Brigade was on
Outpost Duty, closest to the enemy. Stony Mountain is not far
north of Morton's Ford,
which is also close by to Raccoon Ford.
Orders Issued To Be On The Alert; ––2.30
p.m.
Headquarters
Army of the Potomac,
March 18, 1864––2.30 p.m.
Major-General Newton:
The commanding general directs that you at once
place
your command
under arms and hold it prepared to move at a moment’s notice. It
is
reported that the enemy is crossing at Raccoon Ford.
S. WILLIAMS,
Assistant Adjutant-General.
(Copy to Generals Warren, French, and Sedgwick.)
The following is from, “The Thirty-ninth
Regiment
Massachusetts Volunteers, 1862-1865;” by Alfred S. Roe, 1914.
This narrative mentions the alarm
in
camp at Mitchell's Station, the afternoon of March 18.
St. Patrick’s Day or the 17th, secured no
recognition in camp, though large fires on the rebel side of the river
betokened something doing there, yet the afternoon’s sun, lighting up
the hill-side on which the Confederates were encamped, revealed their
tents still in place.
The 18th, in the afternoon, witnessed no
end of hurry and bustle as all effects were packed, even to removing
tents from the cabin roofs, and all were to be in readiness to move at
once. It was the general agreement that Stuart and
his lively followers were surely in the saddle. With stacked arms
and expectant hearts, the next order was awaited and, at 5.30 p.m., it
came, not to fall in and “Forward,” but the bubble-burst words heard so
often, “As you were,” with a resumption of regular camp routine and
duties.
A Request For Confirmation Is Sent to the
Lookout Stations
Headquarters
Army of the Potomac,
March 18, 1864––3 p. m.
Lieutenant Camp:
Contrabands and deserters report enemy’s cavalry
collecting for a raid
on your right. Look sharp for them, but report only what you see.
NORTON.
March
18, 1864––3.15 p. m.
Lieutenant McCloskey,
Pony
Mountain:
It is reported that the enemy is crossing at
Raccoon
Ford. Can
you see anything of them?
NORTON.
Pony
Mountain, March 18,
1864––3.25 p. m.
Captain Norton:
Can see very little of the river. Will keep
a good
watch that
way. Have seen nothing of them.
MCLOSKEY.
Captain Taylor,
Stony
Mountain
It is reported that the enemy are crossing
at
Raccoon
Ford. Is it
so? Report at once.
NORTON.
Stony
Mountain, March 18,
1864––3.35 p. m.
Captain Norton:
Can see nothing of them.
TAYLOR.
A Similar Cavalry Report
without a
Time
Stamp
Headquarters
First Cavalry Division,
Culpeper, March 18, 1864.
Capt. F. C. Newhall,
Acting
Assistant Adjutant-General,
Cavalry Corps:
Colonel Gibbs reports contrabands coming
into
infantry
lines, who say
the rebels are preparing for a raid with the intent to demonstrate on
our right flank, while Stuart crosses the river below on the left flank
of the army. General Ewell’s corps has furnished a number of
picked infantry to move with Stuart toward Fredericksburg. Lee
was at Charlottesville night before last (Wednesday). Similar
information was forwarded by General Newton to army headquarters.
W.
MERRITT,
Brigadier-General
Pictured is the site
of
Raccoon
Ford today. View from the South side (Orange County) looking
North (Culpeper County). The small village that once stood on the north
side of the river, which was present during the war, is long gone.
Report From the Lookout
Station at
Garnett's Peak
Garnett’s,
March 18,
1864
General Newton:
Enemys camp smokes much heavier than
usual.
Can
see nothing
beyond their pickets.
CAMP.
The lookouts on
Garnett's
Peak,
would
have had this view toward the Confederate Camps on the high ground
across the Rapidan River, near Rapidan Station on the Orange &
Alexandria Railroad. Field glasses and telescopes
magnified & enhanced their view ––when weather permitted.
False Alarm
Headquarters
First Cavalry Division,
Culpeper, March 18, 1864.
Capt. F. C. Newhall,
Acting Assistant Adjutant-General,
Cavalry Corps:
Reserve Brigade reports all quiet on
the
picket-line. The enemy
crossed 75 men at Raccoon Ford and at once withdrew.
W.
MERRITT,
Brigadier-General.
Report of General
Warren,
Commanding
2nd
Corps
Headquarters
Second Corps,
March 18, 1864.
Commanding
Officer
Cavalry
Corps:
The following just received:
Major-General Humphreys,
Chief of Staff, Army of the Potomac:
Mr. Roebling has just returned from
the
Rapidan.
No enemy on this
side; only a few men, not more than 20, came over the river this
morning, and all went back. Two shots were all the skirmishing.
G.K.
WARREN,
Major-General, Commanding Second Corps.
A. A. HUMPHREYS,
Chief of
Staff.
Orders Revoked; 5
p.m.
Headquarters,
March
18, 1864––5 p.m.
Maj. Gen J. Newton, Commanding
First Army Corps:
The report that the enemy was crossing
the
river
at noon
to-day does
not appear to have been well founded. I am therefore directed by
the commanding general to say that the instructions requiring you to
hold your command in readiness to move at short notice with three day’s
rations may be regarded as revoked.
S.
WILLIAMS,
Assistant Adjutant-General.
(Copy to Generals to Warren, French,
and
Sedgwick.)
Diary of Calvin Conant
Friday, March 18, 1864. Plesant
day
but
rather
windy I am
of guard the Reg go on Picket do not
feel well at all the Brigade was just under arms this
after noon at 3 oclock a report that the Rebs are crossing
at Raccoon Ford in force is reported orders
countermanded
at retreat NOTE: Conant says the regiment went
out on picket duty. This is confirmed by Sergeant Warren H.
Freeman who wrote home March 24, that he went on picket
Friday, [the 18th] and came off duty on Monday, [the 21st].
Luckily the picket detail returned to camp
just before a hard snow fell on the 22nd.
Saturday, March 19, 1864.
Plesent
day I am on
duty nothing new in camp all hands are out
kicking foot ball, having a big
time the Whole Brigade except us ar getting thier
Pay the excitement
of yesterday was caused by about 500 Rebs come acrost to reconuitar our
position but our Cavalry made thier apearance and they
Skedadled back quick NOTE: As shown in the
correspondence Calvin's estimate of 500 Rebs, is off by 425 or
480 men, depending on which report was accurate. Its
funny how these incidents become exaggerated.
With the paymaster in
camp, a game of football broke out according to Private
Conant. It seems the game was as
popular as baseball. But this wasn't the game of football we know
today. The ball was round. Artist War Correspondent Winslow
Homer
sketched these 5th Corps soldiers having a game of it in 1865. The ball
in the center of the picture is kind of hard to see. In
the game going on in the background its clear the "football" is round.
2nd Corps Commander General G. K. Warren
Investigates
&
Comments on the March 18 Alarm
Hdqrs. 2d
Brig., 3d Div., 2d Army Corps,
March 18, 1864.
Capt. George P. Corts,
Asst.
Adjt. Gen., Third Division,
Second Army Corps:
Captain:
I have
the honor to report that a few rebel cavalry and
infantry made their appearance to-day on this side of the Rapidan
River, on the right of my lines, between Morton’s Ford and Raccoon
Ford, but have now retired. I don’t think it will amount to
anything.
I am, captain, very respectfully, your
obedient
servant,
THOS. A.
SMYTH.
Colonel First Delaware Volunteers,
Comdg. Brigade.
[Indorsements.]
Hdqrs. Third
Division, Second Army Corps,
March 18, 1864.
Respectfully forwarded, for the
information
of the
major-general
commanding.
ALEX. HAYS,
Brigadier-General of Volunteers, Commanding Division.
Headquarters
Second Army Corps
March 19, 1864.
Respectfully forwarded.
It was on this kind of information
that
Lieutenant-Colonel Walker’s
dispatch was sent yesterday. Colonel Smyth must have been
deceived by his informants, as the investigation made by Lieutenant
Roebling, of my staff, did not find that the enemy had made any unusual
demonstration. He also states that the earth-works opposite us,
at Raccoon Ford, have not been much increased of late.
G.K. WARREN,
Major-General of Volunteers.

N. C. Wyeth
illustration
titled,
“The
Vedette.”
This last March 18
intelligence
report
concerning Confederate Cavalry along the Rapidan, is found in the
Official Records. The message originates in Alexandria, outside
Washington.
Alexandria,
March 18,
1864.
Lieut. Col. J. H. Taylor,
Assistant Adjutant-General:
Colonel:
I have the following information from a party
who left the rebel lines on Monday night: There is a light
picket
of cavalry at long intervals from Orange Court-House to Madison
Court-House, and thence to Robertson’s Church, and but very little
cavalry to be met or seen elsewhere. Three and a half brigades of
cavalry were sent to Louisa and Spotsylvania Court-House two days after
Kilpatrick’s raid, and had not returned on Monday last. It is
rumored, he says, that there is considerable cavalry near
Fredericksburg.
Respectfully,
H. H.
WELLS,
Lieutenant-Colonel and Provost-Marshal-General.
Pony Mountain Viewed
from the
West
In the next few
comments
from
Colonel
Charles Wainwright, he talks about the Signal Station on Pony Mountain
which is just east of Culpeper and very near Wainwright's
Headquarters. Here is a view of the mountain looking east, as
Wainwright would have seen it.
Comments
from the
Journal of
Charles
Wainwright about the March 18 Alarm.
Colonel Wainwright gives
some
more details about the scare in the army. He then continues to
comment on several other interesting subjects happening at this time in
the
army.
From, “A Diary of Battle, The
Personal
Journals
of Colonel Charles S.
Wainwright, 1861-1865”; Edited by Allan Nevins; 1962.
[Additional
excerpts from the original journals which were edited out of Nevin's
book were accessed at the Huntington Library,
San Marino, CA in 2015 by the webmaster.]
March 20, SUNDAY. Nothing of
note has
happened the
last three days: on Friday there was a great stir under reports
that Lee was going to take the initiative this spring, and was actually
moving to attack us.
We were under orders to be ready to
move at
a
moments
notice, then it was countermanded; in the afternoon it was again
promulgated; & finally at 5.30 P.M. we were directed to
settle down
quietly once more. What the matter really was I do not
know; I
had understood that Stewart was out some where, & that a body of
our cavalry started out that morning to ride after him; perhaps the
first reports from this cavalry led to the idea that Lee’s whole army
was moving.
We have a signal station on Poney
Mountain
now,
the same
as last autumn, from whence they command a sight of several of the
rebel stations. Our officers claim that they can read all the
rebel messages, and they are regularly transmitted to General
Meade. The news of Jeb Stuart having started on some expedition
may have come through them. I have been intending all winter to
go up
onto Poney Mountain but have not yet accomplished it.
Pictured is an Edwin Forbes sketch of
the
Signal
Station on Pony Mountain, titled, “Signal officers watching the
camps of General Lee's army on the south side of the Rapidan River,
from the signal station on Poney Mountain." Clark's
Mountain in the center background is labeled “General Lee's
Signal Station.” The two smaller hills shown are the Twin
Mountains, also called Piney Mountain and if viewed from the west, “The
Bubbies.”
Kilpatrick’s men have most of them
returned
to
camp; They crossed the Rappahannock down near its mouth, and came
through without loss. Poor Dahlgren is killed.* He had to
let his men disperse into small bodies; nearly all of them got in
safely, but he is said to have been betrayed by his negro guide, and
murdered in cold blood. All who knew him regret his loss
exceedingly.
It is said that General Hancock is
getting
recruits
rapidly in Pennsylvania, and that large numbers are arriving daily for
his corps. Morgan, who is with him in Pennsylvania, writes that
there is little doubt but what he will fill his corps up to
40,000. If so, it will affect the consolidation project
materially; most likely cause it to be abandoned entirely.
I wonder whether I have anywhere noted
the
positions of
this army, other than that of our own Corps. The 2d joins us on our
left, lying from Stevensburg to Paoli Mills. The 3d lies on the
left of Brandy Station; one Division up this way the others
towards
Kellys Ford. The 6th lies to the right of Brandy & joins our
right with Beverly Ford. The 5th guards the R.R. to Bull run;
which is as far as the precincts of this army extend.
I had the Brigade out to day for
inspection
by
General
Newton: the men & all looked very well; & the General was
pleased; at least he appeared so, & said that “he did not see how
the command could look better.”
Wainwright continues
to
discuss
his
recruiting,
which is slow; then:
Rumour says that a house has been
taken in
Culpeper for
General Grant, which is very probably, as in his first order assuming
command of the armies of the United States he says: “Headquarters
will be in the field, and until further orders will be with the Army of
the Potomac.”
The last call for recruits says that
they
are for
the “Army, Navy and Marine Corps.” In regulating the quotas of
districts, all men enlisted in the navy are to be allowed. At the
present time, too, there are a large number of men being transferred
from the army to the navy: I have lost two or three men in that
way.
NOTES: Ulric
Dahlgren
(1842-1864) Son
of Admiral John A. Dahlgren, studied civil engineering and law before
becoming General Franz Sigel’s Aide de Camp. (A.D.C.) He was
Sigel’s Chief of Artillery at 2nd Bull Run, and then served as General
Ambrose Burnside’s A.D. C. At Chancellorsville he was on Hooker’s
staff and at Gettysburg on Meade's. On the retreat from
Gettysburg he was severely wounded in the foot, in a street fight in
Hagerstown, MD. His leg was amputated. Promoted Colonel, he
returned to active service on crutches, with a wooden leg, and was
co-commander of the Kilpatrick Dahlgren Raid. Source:
CW Dictionary, Mark Boatner III. 1961; p. 218.
During the raid at night
Dahlgren
fell into
an ambush trap and was killed. Over a hundred of his men were
captured.
Return
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Top of
Page
Pay
Day
& Promotions
Thirteenth
Massachusetts
Veteran
Charles
E. Davis, Jr. lists the routine schedule for Gen. John C.
Robinson's troops during winter encampment, which is so beautifully
described in James Ross's March 18th letter to Myra. But the 13th
Regiment could not
follow this routine because they were on outpost duty full-time,
all winter.
The following is from, “Three
Years
in the
Army,”
by
Charles E. Davis, Jr; Estes & Lauriat, Boston, 1894.
The duties of outpost guard relieved
the
Thirteenth from
a strict observance of the following order issued to the division:
General Orders
No. 16
Headquarters
Second Division,
First Army Corps,
March 20, 1864.
I.
The
signal
for service
will, until further orders, be as follows:
Reveille, daylight. |
Recall,
4 P.M. |
Police call, 15
minutes later. |
First call for
parade, 45 minutes before sunset. |
Surgeon’s call, 6
A.M. |
Second call, 15
minutes before sunset. |
Breakfast, 7 A.M. |
Tattoo, 9 P.M. |
Guard mounting, 8
A.M. |
Taps, 9.20
P.M |
Drill, 9 A.M. |
Sunday morning
inspection, 8 A.M. |
Recall, 11 A.M. |
Guard mounting
immediately after. |
Dinner, 12.30 P.M. |
|
Drill, 2 P.M. |
|
II. The calls will be
sounded
promptly
at
the
hours named, and
the men will be ready to fall into the ranks instantly. The morning
drill will be by company, the afternoon by battalion or brigade.
Particular attention will be paid to skirmishing, both by company and
battalion. There will be a brigade drill every Tuesday and
Thursday afternoon.
III. At police call in the
morning the
whole
command
will be turned
out, and the camps swept and put in perfect order; at the same
time
earth will be thrown in the sinks. Regimental commanders will be
held responsible for this.
IV. The men’s quarters
will be
inspected
daily, and the
coverings of the huts removed every Saturday when the weather will
permit.
V. Officers must attend
and
superintend
roll-calls.
VI. At the first call for
parade,
companies
will
be formed and
thoroughly inspected by commanders; at the second call they will be
marched to the regimental parade ground.
VII. The hours appointed
for
drill
must be
employed in drill, and
not in resting. Men will not be permitted to sit or lie down, and
the prescribed uniform must be worn on all duty under arms.
By
command
of
BRIGADIER-GENERAL ROBINSON.
Guard Mount in
the
Camp of
the
114th PA,
Brandy Station, VA, April, 1864.
Pay Day in the
Army
“Three Years in the Army,”
continued:
Monday, March 21. The
financial
stringency
that
had for some time
affected the pocket-books of most of us was removed to-day by the
paymaster, and penury’s tedious burden vanished like dew before the sun.
The following is from, “The
Thirty-ninth
Regiment
Massachusetts Volunteers, 1862-1865;” by Alfred S. Roe, 1914.
The camp of the
39th
MA was
close-by
that of the 13th MA.
The
signing of pay-rolls on the 19th was a sure sign of the approach of
the paymaster and the perfection of the weather gave light hearts to
all, though a clergyman of the Methodist Church South, seized outside
our lines for conducting certain of Stuart’s men to the capture of one
of our pickets may have had a leaden heart as he was dispatched on his
way to Washington, there to account for his conduct; bearing the
name of
Garnett, he must have belonged to one of the best families of the Old
Dominion.
The 20th was Sunday, not usually
a pay
day,
but
were there signs of activity it was thus employed and, as the paymaster
came on this date, the event was considered a pretty sure sign of a
movement; so late did he begin, it was 8 p.m. before the last
company
was reached.
Diary of Calvin Conant:
Sunday, March 20, 1864.
Lousey
lone
some
day
I am of guard Weather is fine but rather
windy Inspection by Companies
Monday, March 21,
1864.
Plesant
day I am on
duty the Regt get paid to day for the months of January &
February
Letter of
Charles
Barber,
104th NY
False
alarm and payday
Much like the
letter
of 13th
MA
Sergeant
George H. Hill, Charles Barber of the sister regiment, 104th N.Y. is
contemplating the short amount of time remaining on his enlistment
term, after which he can go
home. Charles would be home sooner than he imagined, while
George Hill endured an unwanted and unexpected ordeal as a prisoner of
war for more than a
year.
The 104th NY
Camp was
next
to the
13th
MA.
The following is from, “The Civil War Letters of
Charles Barber, Private, 104th New York
Volunteer Infantry,” Edited by Raymond G. Barber & Gary E.
Swinson,
Torrance, CA 1991.
Cedar
Mountain
Va
March 20th ––1864
My Dear wife and
children
I am
well
except
the ague
headache I rec yours of the 14th last eve and one three
days ago.
we suddenly got orders to pack
up
yesterday
ready
for a fight and was under arms all day the rebs was said to
be crossing the Rapidan but they fell back without fighting. they
are camped about three mile from us we can see their tents
and fires and hear their bugles and drums and hear their cars
whistle we hear the firing of their guns when they are
probably killing beef or shooting deserters; we may or may not
hav a fight here. the pay master is here we expect two
months pay to morrow I shall send you 20 dollars probably
this week I shall write again when I send
it. I will enclose one dollar in this for your
present use and it leaves me with one dollar and 25 cts left
which is the least money I have been with for a long time.
look to the stove pipes in both houses
I do not know what
business I shall go into when I get home time will
tell I will not trouble about it now but I feel just as
though it would suit me to make it a good part of my business to hug
my little wife and walk and talk and ride and travel with her for the
first six months after I get home or as you say the longer we are
separated the more anxious I am to see you and the better I love you
and I am heartily glad that we have both the right kind of love and
feelings for each other and the longer I am absent the more I think
about the children and love them the more.
oh what a happy time
it will be for us if I get home safe but still I may be killed or
wounded but still it seems to me that I shall finally get home safe and
it all ways did seem to me that I shall be home safe at
last I must stop now and get ready for sunday morning
inspection;
inspection is over
I
passed all
right
except a small grease spot on my pants the inspector happened to
see it; well that is no matter
I
have now only about six month longer to serve and that
will soon slip
away for the wheels of time are constantly in rapid motion and if I
could grease the wheels to make their motion more rapid I dont know but
my anxiety to get home would urge me to do it
There is women and children and
negroes in
camp
here
nearly every day
begging food and clothing they are a sad sight
I have given
them meat bread coffee and crackers. the women are ragged
and care worn. their southern pride and haughty rebellious spirit
is now terribly mortified but the end is not come yet the
great moral and political sin of slavery is now reined up before the
tribunal of Gods justice and justice will have its due to the uttermost
before this bloody war can end and I am afraid the end is not so near
at hand as some hope it is but let us all do our whole duty under all
circumstances and hope for the best
we are now making the most
important history of the world and let us dear wife play our part
honorably and conscientiously and conduct ourselves in such a way that
we nor our children will never look back and blush at our present acts.
Promotions
in the
13th
M. V.
I.;
Col.
Leonard's Executive Correspondence
Papers found in
the
13th
M.V.I.
Executive Correspondence Collection in the Massachusetts State Archives
show Colonel Leonard addressing officer promotions.
Pictured above
are
Michael
J.
Dagney,
David Whiston, and, Charles E. Horne. All three men were original
members of the regiment from its inception. Their respective
records from the roster are as follows:
MICHAEL J.
DAGNEY ;
age,
23; born, Boston; moulder; mustered in as sergt., July I, '6l; mustered
out as 1st lieut., March 7, '64; promotions: 2d lieut., Feb. 2, '63;
1st lieut., Dec. 8, '63; residence, Boston.
CHARLES E,.
HORNE. ;
age, 21; born, Farmington, N.H. shoemaker; mustered in as 4th sergt.,
Co. G. July 16, '61 mustered out as 1st lieut., Sept. 18, '64;
promoted, 1st sergt., Jan., '63, to 2d lieut., July 1, '63, and 1st
lieut., March, '64: wounded at Gettysburg, July 1, '63, and at
Spotsylvania C.H., May 8, '64; at latter place lost right arm; was also
taken prisoner and confined in Libby until Sept. 8, '64; residence,
Stoneham, Mass.
DAVID WHISTON ;
age,
28;
born,
Boston;
painter;
mustered in as 1st sergt Co. A, July 16, '61: mustered out as capt.,
March 12, 65; promotions 2d lieut., July 26, -62; 1st lieut., Feb. 14,
'63; capt., March 4, '64- taken prisoner at Gettysburg, July I, '63;
released, March 1, 65; deceased.
The reason for
Dagney's
discharge
is
unstated. When in Williamsport, MD the first winter of the war,
he was a member of the 13th MA Glee Club, from which this portrait is
lifted. Whiston, was captured at Gettysburg and still a prisoner
of war in March, 1864, though he was in line for promotion.
Captain J. A. Howe remembers David Whiston at Gettysburg. “I
remember, as one of those comical sights that will intrude even in the
most serious of moments, perceiving Sergeant Whiston, of Company A,
holding in each hand two rebel officers' swords which in their eager
haste to surrender, their owners had thrust upon him, his face wearing
such a look of helpless bewilderment and his attitude denoting such
utter incapacity to know what to do with his prizes, that it was
impossible to subdue the temptation to laugh. I have often wondered
what became of those four swords, but could never
learn.” ––From George Jepson's article titled “Gettysburg”, in 13th
Regiment Association Circular #15, December, 1902.
Colonel Leonard to
Massachusetts
Governor
John Andrew, March 22, 1864
Colonel Leonard
stil
has
hopes of
getting his regiment to re-enlist for another 3 years.
The correspondence of Colonel Samuel H. Leonard with
the Governor's Office in Massachusetts is found in the Executive
Correspondence Collection, 13th M.V.I., at the Massachusetts State
Archives.
Head
Quarters 1st
Brigade
2d Division1st Army
Corps
March 22d 1864
His
Excellency
John A
Andrew
Govener of Mass.
Sir
I have the honor to recommend for promotion to fill
vacancies existing in my
Regiment the following named Officers.
1st Lieut David
Whiston to
be
Captain
in place of David L Brown
Discharged March 3d/64
2d Lieut Joseph H Stuart to be 1st Lieut in
place of D Whiston promoted.
2d Lieut Charles E Horne to be 1st Lieut in
place of M J Dagney,
Discharged Mar 7th/64
I enclose you copies of the
orders
discharging the
above
named
officers, also one of M P Palmers.
I am not at present prepared to
send a
name
to
that
vacancy, but will
as soon as possible.
I am expecting other discharges
very
soon,
and I
am in
hopes yet, of
reorganizing my Regiment for another three years.
I should be pleased if Major J P
Gould
could
be
transfered to his
regiment, as soon as practicable, as my regiment is very short of
Officers on duty with it.
I am sir
Very
Respectfuly
Your Obt Servt
S H Leonard
Col 13th
Mass Vols
Comdi’g
Colonel Leonard to
Massachusetts
Adjutant
General William Schouler, March 22, 1864.
With the Army
re-organizing
Colonel
Leonard was eager to re-enlist and recruit his unit to keep it in the
field, as
the few samples of his correspondence with Massachusetts authorities
shows. Calvin Conant's diary entry of March 31st further
confirms this. Toward this end, a big concern of the Colonel in late
March, was
getting his new slate of officers in place, as the old ones
resigned. He urged the Governor of Massachusetts in the letter
above, to transfer
Major Gould to his new command as soon as possible. Leonard
mentions below that with the new slate of officers in place, he thinks
more men would agree to re-enlist. Yet it would be late April
before this was accomplished and by then it was too late. The
Overland Campaign began May 5th. That changed everything.
Head
Quarters 1st
Brigade
2d Division 1st A Corp
March 22d 1864––
Brig Gen’l W’m Schouler,
Adjt Gen’l.
Dear Sir,
I wish to get
some information in reference to the discharge of
Officers from the Army.
Is there any order in existance
stating that
officers
who are
discharged the service, for no reason other than their sending in their
resignations, that they will not be again commissioned by the
Goveror. Why I ask is, I have an impression there is such an
order; or instruction.
I hear rumors that some
Officers, who
were
able to
get a
discharge
here, are about to receive or have already received a Commission in
other commands., in fact, as good as promoted.
Capt D L Brown is one I will
mention. [Captain
David
L. Brown, pictured.] He sent me his resignation
for reason I would not approve of a Leave of Absence, at a time, I
could not, without disobeying orders. I was pleased to have him
do it, as I have always known him to be incompetent to fill the
position he held, and I so endorsed his resignation, and he was
discharged by the Corps Commander in accordance with Gen’l Orders No
10, Army Potomac of 1863. I hear now that he is again in the
service, or promised a position, I think if such is the case that
it will be the cause of much trouble, with officers in the service.
I only mention his name as he
has but
just
been
discharged, but I know
of others.
Please answer at your
convenience.
I sent to his Excellency
yesterday
some
recommendations
for
promotion I hope to hear soon from them as the regiment is very
short of Officers on duty with it. The health of the men is very good,
and we are now busy preparing for a Campaign.
There has but twenty (20) men reinlisted yet, and I doubt if any
more will be added before April 1st. If I could dispose of some
of
the Officers I have, I think, in fact I know, quite a number would
reinlist.
I am Sir your obt Serv’t
S H Leonard Col
13th Mass Vols
Calvin Conant
noted in
his
diary,
that
on the last day of March, Colonel Leonard once again solicited soldiers
in the regiment about re-enlisting. Conant says about 25 promised
to do so should the majority of the men agree to also re-enlist..
This was
sort of a hedged committment. It is still great to know how hard
the Colonel tried to keep his unit in the field. The 13th MA was
his pride
and joy.
War Department
Letter to
Governor
John A.
Andrew, March 28, 1864.
Regarding
Colonel
Leonard's
question to
Massachusetts Adjutant-General William Schouler above, it seems that
Governor Andrew was trying to transfer men directly from Colonel
Leonard's regiment, into Major J. P. Gould's new command, the 59th
Veteran M.V.I., then organizing in Boston.
The War
Department,
frowned upon the idea as shown in this letter.
War
Department,
Adjutant General’s Office,
Washington, D. C. March 28, 1864.
His Excellency
The Governor
of Massachusetts,
Boston, Mass.
Sir:
I have the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your
endorsement of the 24th instant, asking that certain men be Transferred
from the 13th to the 59th Massachusetts Volunteers.
In reply, I am directed to
inform you
that
the
views of
the Department
are strongly opposed to tranfers, experience having shown that such
action is prejudicial both to the interests of the soldier concerned
and of the Government.
I am,
Sir,
Very respectfully
Your Obedient Servant,
Thomas Vincent
Assistant Adutant Gen’l.
Attachment to the
above
note.
13th
War Dept will not
allow transfer of men
to 59th
Commonwealth
of
Massachusetts.
Exectutive Departement.
Boston, March 30th 1864.
Respectfully referred to Colonel
Gould, comm’dg 59th
Mass. Vol. Infantry ––
Please
return
this to
my
files.
By order of His Excellency, the
Governor. G. Browne Jr.
Lt. Col. Mil. Sec’y.
returned.
A Note Regarding
Furloughs
The following
anecdote
is
found in The
Bivouac, Vol III, 1885, (p. 128). No author is given.
During my connection with the
War
Department
at
Washington, in 186––, my clerical position permitted access to
the official correspondence of the volunteer bureau of the adjutant
general’s office. At this period of the war the correspondence of
this division was quite voluminous, letters from nearly every quarter
of the globe being received from relatives or friends of soldiers in
the army, inquiring as to their whereabouts or requesting furloughs or
discharges for various reasons of sons, brothers, fathers, or
husbands. Many of these were addressed to Mr. Lincoln or
Mr. Stanton, the writers presuming that direct appeals to these
officials would be more effectual than if sent through the proper,
though more roundabout, channel of the adjutant general’s office.
Such letters, however, were seldom seen by either of the officials
mentioned, as the clerk whose duty it was to examine and distribute
mail matter often forwarded them to the proper departments, according
to the nature of the business or subject.
One letter, however, certainly
reached
the
official for
whom it was addressed.
It was written by a young lady,
dated
at a
well-known
town in Ohio, and addressed to Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of
War The letter was a model in composition, orthography, and
penmanship, and the peculiar circumstances which prompted the request
embodied in it were modestly and touchingly expressed.
She
related that at the outbreak of the war she was receiving the
attentions of a young gentleman, a resident of the town in which she
then lived, and a mutual and strong attachment had been
established. At the first call of his country her lover had
abandoned a lucrative occupation, and sacrificing all his brilliant
prospects at home had patriotically enlisted as a private in one of the
State’s earliest regiments. His faithful service at the post of
duty for two years entitled him to a furlough of thirty days, which was
granted him, and he had returned after so long an absence, passing his
brief furlough mostly at her home, but her joy and delight in having
her lover even temporarily restored to her had permitted her affection
to overcome her discretion. At the expiration of his leave of
absence, he faithfully returned to his regiment, where he had gained
further renown for his bravery and fidelity.
At the date of her letter she
had
become
painfully
aware
of the error, which in a moment of indiscretion she had committed, and
now found herself in the condition of those ladies who “dearly love
their lords.” She prayed that, for her own honor, as well as for
that of her soldier-lover, Mr. Stanton would grant him another furlough
to enable him to come home and marry her. Her letter,
having been folded and endorsed according to official form, bore the
following inscription:
Respectfully referred to the
President
for
instruction.
(Signed)
E. M. STANTON
Sec’y of War.
Upon its return to the adjutant
general’s
office a
few
days later, it bore the additional endorsement, in Mr. Lincoln’s
own hand-writing, as follows :
Executive
Mansion,
Washington, D. C. March 24, 186––
Let the boy go to her at once.
( Signed )
A. Lincoln.
Return
to
Top of
Page
A
Hard
Snow; March 22 – 25
The following is from, “The
Sixteenth
Maine
Regiment in the War of the Rebellion 1861-1865.” By Major
A. R. Small; B. Thurston & company Portland, Maine 1886.
March 22. Very Cold.
Snow
commenced
falling
at half-past two p.m., and
increased to a violent storm by nine o'clock.
Intelligence from
the
Lookout
Stations
(before the snow fell).
Stoney
Mountain, March 22, 1864––11
a.m.
Captain Norton,
Chief
Signal Officer, Army of
the Potomac:
A party of about 30 of the enemy
is
throwing
up
rifle-pits near the
river above Raccoon Ford. Large fires on Clark’s Mountain this a.
m. All quiet.
WARTS,
Signal Officer.
Cedar Mountain
in the
Winter
after
a
snow fall. The snow covered peak of Clark's Mountain on the south
side of the Rapidan
River is visible in the distance.
Tuesday Morning Report from Pony Mountain
Lookout Station--before the snow.
Pony
Mountain, March 22, 1864––11.15
a.m.
Captain Norton:
All quiet. The enemy
are
enlarging the
works
at
fords, and
constructing a new line on the hill in front of Raccoon Ford.
About 150 men at work.
McCLOSKEY.
Tuesday Afternoon Report From Garnett's
Peak, The Station Closest to Mitchell's Station
Garnett's
Mountain, March 22, 1864––5.30 p.m.
Captain Norton:
The enemy's camps show no change. No movements of
cavalry between the Rapidan and Robertson. No change in enemy's
pickets.
CASTLE.
The following is from, “The
Thirty-ninth
Regiment
Massachusetts Volunteers, 1862-1865;” by Alfred S. Roe, 1914.
Much to the disgust of all who
had
thought
winter
over
and past, snow
began to fall on the 22nd. By nightfall the ground was white with
it, the wind blowing as in an old-fashioned “nor’-easter,” so
that on
the 23rd there was a foot of snow lying around and all hands had to
turn out to shovel the same out of the streets and from the parade
ground, which was quite ready for the dress parade of the late
afternoon.
From the Diary of Sam
Webster,
13th
M.V.I.,
Co. D:
The three Yeager
girls
were
still
an
attraction to the soldiers camped at Mitchell's Station, and Sam
Webster
frequently visited the
home situated on the west side of Cedar Mountain. The house still
stands.
Tuesday, March 22nd, 1864
Went over to Yeager’s in a hard
snow, and spent the time until nearly 12 –– midnight –– very
pleasantly. Slipping through the camp guard is jolly –– but
dangerous.
Diary of Calvin Conant,
13th
M.V.I.,
Co. G:
Tuesday, March 22, 1864.
Cold day I was off guard
the Reg is in line Picket to day had
quite a Snow Storm fell to about one foot deep.
From the Diary of Sam
Webster:
Wednesday, March 23rd, 1864
Snow eight or ten inches deep.
Took Sawyer over to Yeager’s, and snow-balled him on the way
home.
Note: Sam first mentions
Appleton
Sawyer
October 31, 1862, as Drum Major. Sawyer, a clerk from Shrewsbury,
MA mustered into Company K, as a drummer. He was from a prominent
family back home. His record in the 13th Mass. roster states he was
promoted
Principle Musician in January, 1864. March 29, was Sawyer's 23rd
birthday. He was 4 1/2 years older than Sam. They remained
good friends and shared many difficult times in the service together.
Diary of Calvin Conant:
Wednesday, March 23, 1864.
Plesant & Cool the Snow
is quite deep every body sent
Sweeping off side walk and Cleaning up cleared? their
????? all
the
Snow is to be carried off we had a job as it was
drifted in around cars [?]
Letter of
Charles
Barber,
104th
NY;
March 23,
1864.
From, “The Civil War Letters of Charles Barber,
Private, 104th
New York Volunteer Infantry,” Edited by Raymond G. Barber &
Gary E.
Swinson, Torrance, CA 1991.
Cedar
Mountain
Va
March 23
–– 64
Dear wife I am
well
we
just drew
two
months
pay I send you twenty dollars
Edgar sends his Father ten dollars and Walter sends
his Father ten dollars; it is in two 20 dollar
bills* B can get it changed and pay Hiram Fancher ten
dollars and Joe Steele** ten dollars and you 20
dollars we
send it to Buffalo by the Adams express Co directed to Benjamin
as usual. Walter wants his father to use his ten dollars if he
wants it and if he does not want it then Jim Steele have it
The snow fell over a foot deep
here
last
night the most I
ever see in Va Walter will send home more money when the
boys come if they bring him a pair of boots if not he wants
the money to buy a pair here
Charles Barber
*NOTES: Two
of the
soldiers
named in
this letter are, Corporal Edgar Fancher, who enlisted at age 18 at
Geneseo, NY. He was wounded at Spotsylvania C.H. May 12, 1864;
& Private Walter Steele, another 18 year old who
enlisted in the 104th NY at Geneseo in October, 1861. Steele was
wounded at Antietam, Missing at Gettysburg, returned to the regt. in
February, 1864, and discharged October 31, 1864. **Judging from
the content of this letter, this is probably Joe "Steele." I
think the transcriber erred and "Stelle" was put in the printed
manuscript of Barber's letters. ––B.F.
Lookout Station
Reports:
Rebel
Activity Across the River
Pony
Mountain, March
23, 1864––5.25
p.m.
Captain Norton:
All quiet. Some 50 of the
enemy
this
p.m.
constructing works at
Stringfellow’s Ford. At Raccoon Ford they had constructed three
lunettes and a line of earth-works about 100 yards long since yesterday
morning.
McCLOSKEY.
Arrival of General
Grant,
March 24th
Headquarters
of the Army,
Washington, D. C., March
23, 1864––12.30 p.m.
Major-General Meade,
Commanding
Army of the Potomac:
General:
Lieutenant-General Grant will be at Culpeper by
to-morrow morning’s train, and will, at your earliest convenience
thereafter, desire to see your troops; not in review, but simply
drawn
up in line in front of or near their respective corps encampments.
By command of Lieutenant-General
Grant:
JNO A.
RAWLINS,
Brigadier-General and Chief of Staff.
Diary of Calvin Conant:
Thursday, March 24, 1864.
Plesant day
I am of guard three of our
Veterans returned to the Reg they wer of Co B & I (?) our
Adjt [Tom Wells?] left this morning early for home on a leave of 10
days [NOTE: Tom Welles is one of the several,
ever-present, & frequently mentioned 13th MA officers of whom I
have
never found a photograph.––B.F.]
Friday, March 25, 1864.
Plesant day rather
cool looks like a Storm I am
on duty the Reg are Inlying Picket Ordilees are
in
charge of the
guard over the Stacks of arms a good smart
shower comes up and the stacks of arms are taken in
Pictured is a typical Virginia landscape
after a hard snow. This field is near Gordonsville, on Black
Level road.
Letter of
Sergeant
Warren H.
Freeman,
March 24, 1864
From “Letters from Two Brothers Serving in the
War for the Union,” Printed for Private Circulation,
Cambridge, 1871
Mitchell’s
Station, Va., March
24, 1864.
Dear Parents, ––
I
have delayed writing for about two
weeks, partly
from causes beyond my control. I went on picket on Friday and
came off Monday afternoon. I came into camp Sunday afternoon, and
found
my second box from school-mates had arrived. I immediately opened
it, and found the nice things within, all in good order. I
received their joint and neat letter some time since, and will endeavor
to answer it when we get a little more settled here.
You write that Aunt Cornelia has
been
afflicted
again by
the death of
her youngest child. I do not seem to remember the child;
the
youngest that I recollect we called “little Lizzie.” She must
have a lonely home now indeed, both the boys being way; she has
my
sympathy in this her double affliction.
But I must make this a very
brief
note, as I
have
some
washing to do,
and may not get another chance for a day or two.
We had a big snow-storm the
other
night; it
fell
to the
depth of about
ten inches.
We got paid off Monday; I
will
inclose
twenty
dollars to
your care.
I am in good health.
Warren.
A Picket in the Snow, from a
video screen-grab: video titled, “Christmas on the
Rappahannock,”
uploaded March 26, 2022, by History Boy, (Jacob Bates) on youtube.
Letter of James
Ross;
March
25;
Picket Duty in the Snow
James was
unfortunate
enough
to be
detailed on picket duty during the big snow storm. This letter
describes what it was like.
From: “Willing to Run the Risks;
Letters from the Civil War, Private James Ross, 9th N.Y.S.M., Co. G,
August 1863 –– May 1864.”
Culpepper
Va
Mar. 25th 1864
Dear Father
Your letter of the 21st
came to
hand
last
night. I
received it just
after coming in off picket. I had been out three days and
expected some
other mail but none had come for me. We now help the first Brigade to
picket the same line that we used to when we lay on the mountain
we
ride out and back on the cars and are gone three days each time but the
duty is not very heavy as a mans turn only comes once in two or three
weeks. We had a terrible snow storm while we were out and consequently
a hard time of it. The snow fell to the depth of a foot. I never
saw
such a storm in Virginia. We were without shelter out in an open
field
and it was not pleasant getting along.
While it was snowing I was on
the reserve post and had a kind of a tent the snow filled
around it and
we slept warm enough. Some of the men had no tents they
lay on the
ground rolled in their blankets with a rubber rolled over them and the
snow covered them as it fell till you would never have guessed that
there was any one there. They slept warm of course. One man got
drunk
and lay under some pine boughs he was snowed under and the next
morning
nothing appeared of him but the toes of his boots he had lain so
all
night with nothing over him but the snow. This is a fact.
We had to
leave the reserve and go out on the line to relieve the party at seven
oclock. When we got out there we found the ground so wet and muddy that
we could neither put up tents nor make beds so we had to sit up and do
the best we could. It was very cold that night. I went on post from
nine till eleven then sat up till three when I went on till five. by
this time the ground had frozen and some of the men had spread their
blankets. I got into a nest when one fellow had turned out to go
on
post and slept two hours. I did not have a very comfortable sleep for
it was very cold but a man gets so tired in such a case that he can
have a sort of a sleep almost under any circumstances. When I
awoke, I
found that the officer had sent us a ration of whiskey one canteen for
fifteen
men. Of course
we all had a drink and I guess that if there was no whiskey used but
what was drank by men in our condition that there would be no need of
temperance societies.
When the sun rose it was warm
and
pleasant.
We
were relieved at two oclock in the afternoon and got into camp at
sundown had a good supper then made up a fine bed and if I did not
sleep last night, Then I never did. I can not tell you of how
much
service a pair of boots is to a man when on such duty as we were. Of
course being out in the snow so long, They did wet through, but the
shoes were ten times worse. The water runs through them like
sponge.
The snow has gone off now but the ground is still very muddy. This
weather makes a move still more distant.
Grant is expected in Culpepper
today. We hope big things from his leadership and I hope that we will
not be disappointed. I believe that we shall not. The rebel army
is
terribly demoralized. Unless providence interferes directly in their
favor I do not think it possible that they can continue the contest
longer than this coming season. I had a letter from Bill since he left.
he was in Washington in Co. E. 1st Regiment 1st
Battalion Invalid
Corps. his regiment is doing guard duty in Washington. There is
no
picketing with the snow up to his knees for him there.
I should like an
album for my pictures but could not carry it every ounce weighs in a
soldiers load. All the book that I carry is a bible. The pictures I
keep in my memorandum book. No matter how precious or valuable an
article is if it is not necessary a soldier can not carry it. I did not
receive the papers last night but will expect them
this evening.
It is nearly drill time now and
I must
close.
Good Bye for the present. I will
direct this
letter
according to
directions
Your affectionate son
James Ross
Photo
by
By
Buddy
Secor
[ https://www.flickr.com/photos/ninja_pix/ ]
Return
to
Table
of
Contents
The
First
Corps Disbanded
Pictured are the
Badges of
the
First
Corps; (corps badges established January, 1863).
The War
Department
Orders
Consolidation of
the Army of the Potomac; March 23rd
General Orders,
No.
115.
War Dept.,
Adjt. General’s Office,
Washington, March 23, 1864.
I. By
direction of
the
President
of the United
States, the number of army corps comprising the Army of the Potomac
will be reduced to three, viz, the Second, Fifth, and Sixth
Corps. The troops of the other two corps, viz. the First and
Third, will be temporarily organized and distributed among the Second,
Fifth, and Sixth by the commanding general, who will determine what
existing organizations will retain their corps badges and other
distinctive marks. The staff officers of the two corps which are
temporarily broken up will be assigned to vacancies in the other corps,
so far as such vacancies may exist. Those for whom there are no
vacancies will cease to be considered as officers of the general staff
of army corps.
II. Maj.
Gen.
G. K.
Warren
is
assigned by the
President to the command of the Fifth Army Corps.
III. The
following
general
officers
are detached from
the Army of the Potomac, and will report for orders to the
Adjutant-General of the Army, viz: Maj. Gen. George Sykes, U. S.
Volunteers; Maj. Gen. W. H. French, U. S. Volunteers; Maj. Gen.
John Newton, U. S. Volunteers; Brig. Gen. J. R. Kenly, U.S. Volunteers;
Brig. Gen. F. B. Spinola, U.S. Volunteers; Brig. Gen. Solomon Meredith,
U. S. Volunteers.
By order of the Secretary of War:
E. D.
TOWNSEND,
Assistant Adjutant-General.
General Meade's
Orders
for
Re-organization,
March 24th
General Orders,
No. 10.
Headquarters
Army of the Potomac,
March 24, 1864.
I. The
following order has
been received from the War Department:
*
*
*
*
*
* *
II. The
following
arrangements
are
made to carry out the provisions of the foregoing order:
The Second, Fifth, and Sixth
Army
Corps will
each
be
consolidated
into two divisions. The First and Second Divisions of the Third
Corps are transferred to the Second Corps, preserving their badges and
distinctive marks. The Third Division of the Third Corps is
transferred permanently to the Sixth Corps. The three divisions
now forming the First Corps are transferred to the Fifth Corps,
preserving their badges and distinctive marks, and on joining the Fifth
Corps they will be consolidated into two divisions.
The commanders of the divisions
transferred
to the
Second, Fifth,
and Sixth Corps will at once report to the commanders of those corps
for instructions.
Brig. Gen. J. B. Carr will
report to
Major-General
Hancock,
commanding Second Corps, and Brig. Gen. H. Prince to Major-General
Sedgwick, commanding Sixth Corps.
The chief of artillery will
assign
eight
batteries
each
to the Second, Fifth, and Sixth Corps; these batteries to be taken from
those now with those corps and with the First and Third Corps. The
batteries with the several corps, in excess of the above allowance,
will join the Artillery Reserve.
The consolidation of divisions
called
for in
this
order
will be made by the corps commanders concerned, who are authorized to
re-arrange the brigades of their respective commands in such manner as
they may think best for the service.
The re-assignment of officers of
the
staff
departments,
consequent upon the re-organization of the army, will be made upon the
nomination of the chiefs of staff departments at these
headquarters. Special instructions will be given hereafter with
respect to the staff officers of the two corps temporarily broken up.
III. The major-general
commanding
avails
himself
of the occasion
to say that, in view of the reduced strength of nearly all the
regiments serving in this army, the temporary reduction of the number
of army corps to three is a measure imperatively demanded by the best
interests of the service, and that the reasons for attaching the First
and Third Corps, for the time being, to other corps were in no respect
founded upon any supposed inferiority of those corps to the other corps
of this army. All the corps have equally proved their valor on
many fields, and all have equal claims to the confidence of the
Government and of the country. The First and Third Corps will retain
their badges and distinctive marks, and the major-general commanding
indulges the hope that the ranks of the army will be filled at an early
day, so that those corps can be reorganized.
By
command
of
Major-General
Meade:
S. WILLIAMS,
Assistant-Adjutant
General.
Letter of
General
Meade, March 24, 1864
From, “The Life and Letters of George Gordon
Meade,
Major-General United States Army” by George Meade, New York,
1913.
Headquarters
Army of the Potomac, March
24 1864.
I have been very busy
to-day.
The
much-talked-of
order for
reorganizing the Army of the Potomac has at last appeared. Sykes,
French and Newton are relieved. Sedgwick, Hancock and Warren
command the three corps. This evening an order has arrived
relieving General Pleasonton, which, although I did not originate it,
yet was, I presume, brought about by my telling the Secretary that the
opposition I had hitherto made to his removal I no longer should
make. As the Secretary has been desirous of relieving him ever
since I have had command, and I have been objecting, he has taken the
first chance to remove him as soon as my objections were withdrawn.
Grant arrived to-day. I
met him
at the
depot
near
my headquarters
and accompanied him to Culpeper, where I spent several hours and
returned. He was as affable as ever, and seems not at all
disposed to interfere with my army in any details.
I hear Butterfield is in
Washington,
and is
going
to
swear that I told
him to prepare an order to retreat, and from what Gibbon writes me, it
is evident he did prepare such an order; but I trust by the concurrent
testimony of every other officer on the field, the documentary evidence
in the shape of orders at different periods of the day, and my own
sworn statement, to prove that the preparation of this order was not
authorized by me, and that it was due to Butterfield’s own fears.
I understand the Secretary is very indignant at his coming to
Washington, and has ordered him back to his post.
Get the last number of the Spirit
of the
Times,
in
which there is
a scathing article on Grant, Sherman, McPherson, Schofield and myself,
and lauding, as usual, Joe Hooker.
Generals Removed
from
Corps
Command
Pictured are
General
William
H.
French,
commander 3rd Corps, General John Newton commander 1st Corps &
General George Sykes, commander 5th Corps. All three lost their
commands when the Army of the Potomac re-organized.
Meade was unhappy with General French after his performance in the Mine
Run Campaign. French mustered out of the volunteer army and went
home
to Philadelphia to await further orders. He remained with the
regular army for many years, resuming his rank as Colonel upon
mustering out of the volunteer service. General Newton would go west to
command a division in
the 4th Corps of Major-General George H. Thomas's Army of the
Cumberland. He participated in General William T. Sherman's
Atlanta
Campaign. George Sykes was immediately ordered west to Fort
Leavenworth Kansas.
At the end of a
letter
dated
March
29,
1864, General Meade commented to his wife: “I join with you in
the regret expressed at the relief of Sykes. I tried very hard to
retain Sykes, Newton, and even French, as division commanders, but
without avail. I had very hard work to retain Sedgwick. As
to Pleasonton, his being relieved was entirely the work of Grant and
Stanton.”
Major-General
John
Newton's
Farewell
Speech to the First Corps
General Orders,
No. 9.
Headquarters
First Army Corps,
March 25,
1864.
On relinquishing command I take
occasion to
express the
pride and
pleasure I have experienced in my connection with you and my profound
regret at our separation.
Identified by its service with
the
history
of the
war,
the First Corps
gave at Gettysburg a crowning proof of valor and endurance, in saving
from the grasp of the enemy the strong position upon which the battle
was fought.
The terrible losses suffered by
this
corps
in the
conflict attest its
supreme devotion to the country.
Though the corps has lost its
distinctive
name by
the
present changes,
history will not be silent upon the magnitude of its services.
JOHN
NEWTON
Major-General.
Of the five regiments
in
Gen.
John C. Robinson's 1st Brigade, 2nd Division, the historian of the
39th M.V.I. commented the most on the dissolution of the First
Corps. The 104th New York doesn't have a dedicated written
history, and the newspaper articles about the unit on file at the New
York
State Military Museum do not include anything about the
re-organization. Neither
does the 107th PA have a
dedicated history. A paper posted about them on-line at the
website PA-Roots allots one paragraph to the winter encampment of
1864.
Charles Davis of the
13th
Mass.,
made the
following
brief
comments in his history of the regiment:
The following is from, “Three
Years
in the
Army,”
by
Charles E. Davis, Jr; Estes & Lauriat, Boston, 1894.
A good deal of
dissatisfaction was expressed with
General Meade for wiping out the First Corps, notwithstanding we were
allowed to retain the corps badge in combination with that of the Fifth
Corps –– a sop to our indignation.
In his retirement from the
command of
the
First
Corps,
General Newton carried with him the good-will and respect of every
officer and soldier that had the honor to serve under him.
The following is from,
“The
Thirty-ninth
Regiment
Massachusetts Volunteers, 1862-1865;” by Alfred S. Roe, 1914.
To the Regiment, however, the
most
important event of
the day was the
rearrangement of the several corps constituting the Army of the
Potomac, though this act had no immediate effect upon the regular life
of the Thirty-ninth. The First Army Corps of the Potomac Army,
commanded successively by Generals McDowell, Hooker, Reynolds, and
Newton, had left an excellent record through the nearly two years of
its existence; the disk which, in red, white and blue,
represented its
several divisions, had ever been a badge of honor and now the advent of
General Grant to the command of the army was to bring about various
changes, among them the merging of the First Corps with the
Fifth; its
three divisions, reduced to two, became the Second and Fourth under
Robinson and Crawford respectively while Warren, of late temporarily in
command of the Second, was assigned to lead the Fifth Corps, and
Newton who had succeeded Reynolds at Gettysburg, was relieved.
Under the same general orders, the Third Corps also was disbanded, its
first and second divisions going to the Second Corps, its third
division to the Sixth, and General Sykes, the Commander, to the command
of the District of South Kansas. There were thus left the Second,
Fifth and Sixth Corps in the Potomac Army, to which in the campaign of
1864 the Ninth Corps, under General Burnside, was to be added.
This rearrangement of army
relations
was not
accomplished without some
heart-burning and many adverse remarks. John D. Billings in his
story of the Tenth Massachusetts Battery says:
“Next
to
the
attachment
men
feel for their own company
or regiment,
comes that which they feel for their corps. All the active
services that we had seen was in the Third Corps, and its earlier
history and traditions from the Peninsula to Gettysburg had become a
part of our pride, and we did not care to identify ourselves with any
other. If such was our feeling in the matter, how much more
intense must have been that of the troops longer in its membership,
whose very blood and sinew were incorporated with the imperishable name
it won under General Sickles.”
Though the Thirty-ninth had
borne no
part in
the
battle-trials of the corps, save in the premonitions at Mine Run, yet
its marchings and campings, during eight months of service, had done
much towards impressing upon the Regiment the character of the corps
and an appreciation of the corps and an appreciation of its excellent
record.
The best
written
tribute/eulogy of
the
old First Corps, from a regiment that is within the same sphere of
service as the 13th Mass., is from the "Ninth New York" an
organization comprised of men with a similar background, societal
standing, education, and nature as the men in the 13th Massachusetts.
The following is from “History
of the
Ninth
Regiment N.Y.S.M. ––N.G.S.N.Y. (Eighty-third N.Y. Volunteers.)
1845-1888”; by George A. Hussey & William B. Todd; 1889.
It is natural and fitting
that
these men
would suffer and mourn the loss of their long-term identity with a
corps that was disbanded, but the author here, embellished reality in
overpraising the First Corps. I guess if he was to praise
certain commanders, he must include all so as not to offend any, but
the reality was General McDowell was disliked when he commanded the
corps, and General Newton was a lazy corps commander, (but a better
division commander). General Reynolds
was killed early in the engagement, and didn’t really “save the battle
of Gettysburg.” ––But this is a eulogy for a corps with a valiant
record, so perhaps the hyperbole can be excused. ––B.F., webmaster.
An important change in the Army
of the
Potomac had
been
ordered before Grant’s promotion. The First and Third
corps––Except General Seymour’s division of the latter, which joined
the Sixth corps ––were consolidated with the Fifth and Second,
respectively. The men of the First and Third were to retain their
corps badges, however ––a small sop to their wounded feelings.
The consolidation was a wise measure, notwithstanding the pain it
caused many of the heroes of Gettysburg, and the men themselves, while
they regretted the necessity of the change, soon recognized its
justness. The Ninth retained
its division (Robinson) and brigade
(Baxter) commanders. It was still in the Second brigade, Second
division, but now of the Fifth corps, General G. K. Warren,
commanding.
Major-General G. K. Warren,
pictured, had
been
temporarilly commanding the 2nd Corps during General Winfield Scott
Hancock's recovery
from his Gettysburg wounds. When the army was re-organized,
Hancock returned and Warren was given command of the 5th Corps,
formerly General George Sykes' command.
Besides the official utterances
respecting
the
consolidated corps, many were the tributes paid by individual members,
all of which breathed that spirit of loyalty so dear to the heart of
the true patriot. It mattered not under what particular general
or corps number they fought, they determined to sustain their ancient
renown among their new associates. Thus felt the members of
the Ninth, and the sentiments
of the rank and file are fittingly
voiced by the following tribute, written at the time by a member of the
old First corps:
It is
no
more;
the deed
is
done; the fiat has gone
forth, and the First Army Corps has ceased to exist. The corps
that was first formed––it seems to us a long time ago–-in the early
days of this unholy rebellion, the nation’s first and greatest hope
after the sun went down in dark and threatening clouds at the First
Bull Run; that band that prided themselves upon being the first
in
thorough organization; the corps that has fought in a score of
battles,
losing over twenty thousand men, has been sacrificed and parcelled out
to
another. We weep. Is it unmanly? Is it womanly?
We
may have the woman's heart: she weeps over her lost idol;
we weep over ours.
We
were of
the
First
corps; its history is our
history. Its glory ours, we were it, and it was us.
Unmanly? Who struck fiercer or deadlier when the hoarse-mouth
cannon spoke, and his word was death? Who loved their
country
more? Hated its enemies more? What corps can boast of
a
list of names like Meade, Reynolds, McDowell, King, Hartsuff, Ord,
Seymour, Gibbon, Ricketts, and Newton. Every one a hero.
Our comrades sleep upon the hillsides of Fredericksburg, in the
Wilderness, at Chancellorsville, upon the plains of Manassas, the
rugged slopes of Slaughter and South Mountains, by the sluggish
Antietam, and the blood of five thousand of our brave boys colored the
ground of historic Gettysburg.
In
the
field
beyond the
town
is a spot marked by our
memento, before which the pilgrim will come, bow his head in
reverence, and drop tears of sorrow and joy, upon the spot where our
noble commander gave up his life to save his country. The tear of
sorrow that so brave a man, so skillful a soldier, must need be killed
––the tear of joy, that the man who died was the instrument, under God,
that saved the battle of Gettysburg, and thus revived the drooping
spirit of the loyal North.
It is
sad
to
contemplate the
change that has come over
us. The mind goes back over nearly three years of war, and views
the forty thousand men who have said, with pride, “We belong to the
First corps,” many of whom lie buried in known and unknown, though
honored graves, upon all the important battle-fields of Virginia,
Maryland and Pennsylvania. “Badgers,” “Wolverines” and
“Hoosiers” ––men from the “Bay State,” the “Empire” state, the
“Keystone” State, the “Pine Tree” State and the “Nutmeg” State, have
stood side by side in our ranks; side by side won victories,
indulged
in like hopes, dejected by the same fears; side by side attested
their
love for our starry flag, emblem of our freedom, and never faltered in
duty, never turned their back to the foe, in disgrace. To write
the history of our band is to write, almost, a history of the war.
Let
every
man who
belonged to
the old First corps
register a vow to faithfully perform his duty in the Fifth. Let
it never be said that the men who have made their names glorious while
with Doubleday and Wadsworth, Meredith and Robinson, turn their backs
to their country’s foe, and stained their fair fame. With our
glorious past, as a distinctive organization, let us make an equally
glorious future, though our lot be cast with a strange corps.
They are noble brothers, fighting for the same cause, with the same
determined purpose. We must have our new allies recognize that we
are all that soldiers should be; and in the not distant future,
when
our erring sister States shall again sing the hosanna of peace
beneath the old flag, we will return to our homes and be called
blessed. Our name, our deeds, will live, though no costly
cenotaph should be raised in memoriam. We will be known in the
future; and until the angel shall come and rouse with the
trumpet, all
the host, we will be spoken of as among the bravest and best of the
brave.
Journal of
Colonel
Charles
Wainwright, Chief of 1st Corps Artillery,
March 24, 1864.
Charles
Wainwright
hailed
the
re-organization of the army as a good thing, contrary to most officers
in the First Corps. He reflects on the change in this journal
entry. Like others, he lamented the removal of General Sykes from
command. So did Theodore Lyman at Gen. Meade's
Headquarters. Lyman wrote, “I do feel sorry for Sykes, an
excellent soldier, always sure to do his duty, and with this army for a
long time. I fear they displaced him at Washington because they
disliked his rough manners.”
From, “A Diary of Battle, The Personal Journals
of Colonel Charles S.
Wainwright, 1861-1865”; Edited by Allan Nevins; 1962.
March 24, Thursday. The long agony is over:
consolidation
is––not
accomplished, but a fixed fact. The order was issued from
Washington yesterday, and from Army Headquarters today. Bye the
by I see that it is “by order of the Secretary of War,” not of General
Grant, so he does not mean to fight on that ground, and quarrel with
Mr. Stanton at the start.
The order consolidates
the
First,
Second, Fifth, and Sixth Corps into two divisions each; it then
transfers the First Corps to the Fifth, the First and Second Divisions
of the Third Corps to the Second, and the Third Division of the Third
to the Sixth. This will give four divisions to the Second and
Fifth Corps, and only three to the Sixth, but I presume will make them
about equal in numbers; which does not look as if there was much truth
in the reports of Hancock getting so many recruits.
Hancock
retains command of the Second Corps, and Sedgwick of the Sixth.
The Fifth is to be under Major-General G. K. Warren. The orders
call it a temporary consolidation, and allow the divisions formed of
the old First and Second Corps to retain the badges. But temporary will
no doubt be permanent; the consolidating into divisions and
retaining old badges is merely a way to let them down easy, for the
thing will no doubt cause a great deal of ill feeling in the First and
Third Corps.
[Pictured is General Winfield
Scott
Hancock.]
I am looked on as a sort of
traitor
here,
for
having
always favoured consolidation, but I tell them that I belong to the
Artillery Corps, and not to the First. A number of general
officers are relieved from duty with this army: Corps Commanders
Sykes, French, and Newton, and Brigade Commanders Kenly, Spinola, and
Meredith. The first is the only one I should think any
loss.
The order says nothing about
artillery
save
that
Hunt*
will
assign eight batteries to each of the three new corps; tomorrow I
shall go up to see the General, get my own position fixed, and see what
I can do as to securing the batteries that I want. I still lean
towards Hancock, knowing little of Warren; perhaps, too, I have a
penchant for the Second Corps. But I may not have a choice, and
under any circumstances shall be most influenced by what batteries I
can get. If possible I should like to have all those of my own
regiment now with this army; & should I go away from here it
might
be difficult to take “H’ & “L” along with me: “C” too is in
the 5th
& I may be able to get “D” from the 3d.
*General Henry
Hunt,
commander
of the
Army
of the Potomac's Artillery.
General
Ulysses S.
Grant's
Memoirs
Taking Command of the Army in the Field
The bill restoring the grade of
lieutenant-general
of
the army had passed through Congress and became a law on the 20th of
February. My nomination had been sent to the Senate on the 1st of
March and confirmed the next day (the 2d). I was ordered to Washington
on the 3d to receive my commission, and started the day following
that. The commission was handed to me on the 9th. It was
delivered to me at the Executive Mansion by President Lincoln in the
presence of his Cabinet, my eldest son, those of my staff who were with
me and a few other visitors.
The President in presenting my
commission
read
from a
paper––stating, however, as a preliminary, and prior to the
delivery of it, that he had drawn that up on paper, knowing my
disinclination to speak in public, and handed me a copy in advance so
that I might prepare a few lines of reply.
On the 10th I visited the
headquarters
of
the Army
of
the Potomac at Brandy Station; then returned to Washington, and
pushed
west at once to make my arrangements for turning over the commands
there and giving directions for the preparations to be made for the
spring campaign.
continued:
It had been my intention before
this to remain in the West, even if I was made
lieutenant-general; but when I got to Washington and saw the
situation
it was plain that here was the point for the commanding general to
be. No one else could, probably, resist the pressure that would
be brought
to bear upon him to desist from his own plans and pursue others.
I determined, therefore, before I started back to have Sherman advanced
to my late position, McPherson to Sherman’s in command of the
department, and Logan to the command of McPherson’s corps. These
changes were all made on my recommendation and without
hesitation. My commission as lieutenant-general was given to me
on the 9th of March, 1864. On the following day, as already
stated, I visited General Meade, commanding the Army of the Potomac, at
his headquarters at Brandy Station, north of the Rapidan.
I had known General Meade
slightly in
the
Mexican
war,
but had not met him since until this visit. I was a stranger to
most of the Army of the Potomac, I might say to all except the officers
of the regular army who had served in the Mexican war. There had
been some changes ordered in the organization of the army before my
promotion. One was the consolidation of five corps into three,
thus throwing some officers of rank out of important commands. Meade
evidently thought that I might want to make still one more change not
yet ordered. He said to me that I might want an officer who had
served with me in the West, mentioning Sherman specially, to take his
place. If so, he begged me not to hesitate about making the
change. He urged that the work before us was of such vast
importance to the whole nation that the feeling or wishes of no one
person should stand in the way of selecting the right men for all
positions. For himself, he would serve to the best of his ability
wherever placed. I assured him that I had no thought of
substituting any one for him. As to Sherman, he could not be
spared from the West.
This incident gave me even a
more
favorable
opinion of
Meade than did his great victory at Gettysburg the July before.
It is men who wait to be selected, and not those who seek, from whom we
may always expect the most efficient service.
Meade’s position afterwards
proved
embarrassing to
me if
not to him. He was commanding an army and, for nearly a year
previous to my taking command of all the armies, was in supreme command
of the Army of the Potomac––except from the authorities at
Washington.
All other general officers occupying similar positions were independent
in their commands so far as any one present with them was
concerned. I tried to make General Meade’s position as nearly as
possible what it would have been if I had been in Washington or any
other place away from his command. I therefore gave all orders
for the movements of the Army of the Potomac to Meade to have them
executed. To avoid the necessity of having to give orders direct,
I established my headquarters near his, unless there were reasons for
locating them elsewhere. This sometimes happened, and I had on
occasions to give orders direct to the troops affected. On the
11th I returned to Washington and, on the day after, orders were
published by the War Department placing me in command of all the
armies. I had left Washington the night before to return to my
old command in the West to meet Sherman whom I had telegraphed to join
me in Nashville.
continued:
In regard to restoring officers
who had been relieved from important commands to duty again, I left
Sherman to look after those who had been removed in the
West while I looked out for the rest. I directed, however, that
he
should make no assignment until I could speak to the Secretary of War
about the matter. ….
…On the 23d of March I was back
in
Washington, and
on
the 26th took up my headquarters at Culpeper Court-House, a few miles
south of the headquarters of the Army of the Potomac.
Although
hailing from Illinois myself, the State of the
President, I never met Mr. Lincoln until called to the capital to
receive my commission as lieutenant-general. I knew him, however,
very well and favorably from the accounts given by officers under me at
the West who had known him all their lives. I had also read the
remarkable series of debates between Lincoln and Douglas a few years
before, when they were rival candidates for the United States Senate. I
was then a resident of Missouri, and by no means a “Lincoln man” in
that contest; but I recognized then his great ability.
In my first interview with Mr.
Lincoln
alone
he
stated
to
me that he had never professed to be a military man or to know how
campaigns should be conducted, and never wanted to interfere in
them: but that procrastination on the part of commanders, and
the pressure from the people at the North and Congress, which was
always with him, forced him into issuing his series of “Military
Orders” –––one, two, three, et. He did not know but they
were all wrong, and did know that some of them were. All he
wanted or had ever wanted was some one who would take the
responsibility and act, and call on him for all the assistance needed,
pledging himself to use all the power of the government in rendering
such assistance. Assuring him that I would do the best I could
with the means at hand, and avoid as far as possible annoying
him or the War Department, our first interview ended.
The Secretary of War I had met
once
before
only,
but
felt that I knew him better.
While commanding in West
Tennessee we
had
occasionally
held conversations over the wires, at night, when they were not being
otherwise used. He and General Halleck both cautioned me against
giving the President my plans of campaign, saying that he was so
kind-hearted, so averse to refusing anything asked of him, that some
friend would be sure to get from him all he knew. I should have
said that in our interview the President told me he did not want to
know what I proposed to do. But he submitted a plan of campaign
of his own which he wanted me to hear and then do as I pleased
about.
He brought out a map of Virginia on which he had evidently marked every
position occupied by the Federal and Confederate armies up to that
time. He pointed out on the map two streams which empty into the
Potomac, and suggested that the army might be moved on boats and landed
between the mouths of these streams. We would then have the
Potomac to bring our supplies, and the tributaries would protect our
flanks while we moved out. I listened respectfully, but
did not suggest that the same streams would protect Lee’s flanks while
he was shutting us up.
I did not communicate my plans
to the
President,
nor did
I to the Secretary of War or to General Halleck.
March the 26th my headquarters
were,
as
stated at
Culpeper, and the work of preparing for an early campaign commenced.
Letter of
Sergeant
George
Henry
Hill,
13th M.V.I., March 29, 1864
George seems to
be
continually
reassuring his parents that the Lincoln & Stanton War
Administration is not inept as
many citizens and even those in the volunteer service, thought
they were.
Camp
of
13th
Regt
Mass
Mitchels
Station Va
March 29/64
Dear Mother
The 1st Corps has ceased to
exist
and we are now the 2nd Division of the 5th commanded by Major Gen G. K.
Warren. No indeed it is “not because we will not
reenlist.” I hope you do not think the government would
descend to any such small contemptible doings as that.
Reenlisting is
entirely voluntary and not in any case compulsatory. The reasons
for consolidating the corps are clearly set forth in Gen. Meade’s order
which no doubt you have read. What we wonder at most is that he
should have selected two of his best fighting corps to break up (1st
& 3rd) instead of taking the 5th or 6th; however although we
would
prefer to retain our corps identity yet as it is no doubt “for the good
of the service” we are content.
No more now accept love to all
from
your aff
son
Geo H.
Return
to
Table
of
Contents
The
Return of Colonel Tilden, 16th Maine;
March
28, 1864
From the Diary of
Samuel
D. Webster, Company D:
Excerpts of this
diary (HM 48531) are used with permission from The Huntington Library,
San Marino, CA.
Saturday, March 26
Lieutenant Welles has leave of
absence and Lieutenant Stuart is Acting Adjutant.
Sunday, March 27th, 1864.
The boys who reenlisted as
"veterans," and went home on furlough some time since, returned today. [Calvin
Conant says only four returned, some received commissions while on
furlough and Walter S.C. Heath deserted.]
Diary of Calvin
Conant;
March 26
- 28.
Saturday, March 26, 1864.
Windy
day rained all last night to
day we have targets practice five rounds a
piece I was the lucky
one come about two inches from the
bulseye have written to sis and
sent the old the old man(?) Money
Sunday, March 27, 1864.
Pleasant
day I
am off guard Inspection
by companies at 8 oclock our four Veterans arrived back to
night on
the 4 oclock train they all look Gay I
got my watch and also I bought a ?cfos45/close? jacket? which was
made by J. W. Colcord
Monday, March 28, 1864.
Pleasant
day I
am of guard the Reg was
divided in to 3(?) Companies and had a drill this morning
John has
gone to Culpeper this after noon was a
Brigade drill by Leonard
Col Batchelder is on sick list
From the 39th MA History,
Alfred
Roe:
While this is strictly a story of
the Thirty-ninth Massachusetts, of any happening in the camp of our
near neighbors and good friends, the men of the Sixteenth Maine,
passing mention is due here. Colonel Charles W. Tilden had been
captured at Gettysburg and had been held prisoner in Richmond until the
10th of February, when with others he got away from Libby through
General A. D. Streight’s famous tunnel and on the 28th of March, at
four o’clock in the afternoon, he was received by his old boys
with a heartiness which only old soldiers can give to the tried and
true; in the evening followed a feast in the regimental chapel,
attended by the officers of the Sixteenth and the field officers of the
brigade, all uniting in the most fervent expressions of respect and
admiration; the history of the Sixteenth has this concerning the
words of our esteemed Commander, “Colonel Davis, whose encampment is a
paragon of neatness and comfort, replied in his calm and witty way to a
toast complimentary to the Thirty-ninth Massachusetts.”
Colonel Tilden
Returns
Like Alfred Roe
says
in the
passage
above, it is worth looking into the histories of the neighboring
regiments for stories that happened in camp. Several officers of
the 13th Mass. celebrated the return of Colonel Charles Tilden,
to his regiment on March 28th. Naturally the history of the 16th
Maine does proper justice to reporting the event.
Officers of
the
16th Maine Regiment
Pictured are
Lt.-Col.
Augustus B.
Farnham, Adjutant Abner Small, & Major Aubrey Leavitt, 16th
Maine. Col. Farnham commanded the regiment in Col. Tilden's
absence. Adjutant Small and Major Leavitt, escorted the returning
colonel from the railroad depot, up the hill to the camp of the
16th Maine.
The following is from, “The
Sixteenth
Maine
Regiment in the War of the Rebellion 1861-1865” by Major
A. R. Small; B. Thurston & company Portland, Maine 1886; (p.
167 –
171).
March 28. This was a gala
day
with the
regiment. Every member had made his toilet long before
reveille. The new men were as earnest as the old, in their
efforts to give a fitting welcome to the colonel they had never
seen. The forenoon was spent in adding touches of attraction here
and there through the camp, such as would do credit to born
artists. The band, resplendent in brass burnished like gold,
assembled on the parade-ground, and played the regiment into line at
two o’clock P.M. About four the train from Culpeper arrived, and
directly the major and adjutant approached escorting Colonel Tilden,
(pictured, right) who was mounted on a superb black
stallion.
The regiment
presented arms, when the colonel acknowledged the salute by removing
his cap. We knew not which the most to admire, his soldierly bearing
and fine horsemanship, or the perfect discipline of the command.
When Colonel Farnham rang out the commands, “Shoulder-arms! Order-arms!
and now, boys, three times three for Charley Tilden!” the men were wild
with enthusiasm and cheered to the echo, while the band played “Hail to
the Chief.” Parade was dismissed, guns stacked, when an informal
greeting seldom seen outside the army, was given the much loved
commander. Colonel Farnham, who had made generous preparation,
gave a reception that evening in the chapel, to the officers. Chaplain
Balkam in a letter to the Lewiston Journal, says of the supper, and of
the evening’s entertainment:
The
tables
were
spread
with
admirable taste, and in
every respect well furnished, under the direction of Major Leavitt,
chairman of the committee. The invited guests were the field
officers
of the brigade. Lieutenant-Colonel Farnham, who has omitted
nothing in his power, to make the return of Colonel Tilden to his
regiment, after eight months confinement in Libby Prison, a happy one,
presided at the tables. He assigned to the chaplain, the duty of
presenting in a few words, these festive boards to the Colonel,
which his officers had prepared as some expression of their
appreciation of him, and grateful sense of his return.
To
this
address the Colonel replied briefly, thankfully accepting the honor,
but declaring that he did not feel worthy of it. Talking was not
his
vocation, and he would only say that he hoped to show by his acts, how
well he appreciated and wished to deserve their kindness. The
divine blessing was then invoked and payer offered, that while all was
dark, and gloom, and storm with-out ––naught but light, and calm, and
happiness might reign within; for so dark, rainy, and tempestuous
a
night I have not known in Virginia, and seldom anywhere else.
We trembled somewhat for our fly, but it stood well and we were
made perfectly comfortable, though the rain poured and the wind
raged.
You
will
not
think it
strange
that on such a night, it was
difficult to find our cows, and they were late in, consequently the
oysters were hurried and got a little scorched, otherwise they were
perfectly delicious, and as it was, I think I never ate any that
relished so well. Possibly some of our company, who
had recently come from home, could not say so much. I noticed
that my friend Captain Belcher, who had just returned from “a leave,”
had not entirely recovered from daintiness contracted at home.
[Captain
S. Clifford Belcher, pictured left.]
We
had tea and coffee with genuine milk, though it must be confessed that
Virginia milk is very poor; the cows get no hay and but little of
anything else. Virginia turkeys well roasted, ham, tongue, pie,
cake, apples, oranges, nuts, etc., etc. all this was excellent, though
I believe in this instance they all came from Washington. In
short it was a Washington super transported to poor Mitchell’s
Station.
When
all
had well
eaten
and
drunken, of things,
permissible, came a batch of regular toasts from Adjutant Small, who
acquitted himself on this occasion, as he always does, with
distinguished credit. I can attempt to give you but very few of
the toasts, regular or volunteer.
The
eloquence and
wit
which
followed them, I must leave almost entirely to the imagination of your
readers to supply. “Our colonel. He has been tried by the
camp and the march, by battle and by prison. We are made happy
to-night in welcoming his return, by daring escape from the toils of a
dreary captivity, and know not which the more to approve, the nobleness
of his manhood, or the superiority of his soldierly qualities;
his
country has need of both; may nothing but a just and glorious
peace
ever again deprive her of his service. Lieutenant-Colonel
Farnham: the worthy representative of his superior. His
happiness
at the return of his commanding officer is only paralleled by his
earnestness and undivided efforts to maintain the reputation of the
Sixteenth Maine, during his absence. Officers of the Sixteenth
Maine who are not with us tonight: with some of them we shall be
associated no more on earth; they are absent but not forgotten.”
This
toast
was
responded to
in an excellent speech by
Dr. Alexander. To a toast alluding to the tunnel through which
our prisoners escaped, Dr. Whitney, brigade surgeon, ––who took
lodgings for a considerable time at Libby, –-replied in an admirable
speech. The Doctor found it so good to get out, that he was
almost tempted to go in again, for the pleasure of coming out.
Colonel
McCoy
replied
in a
speech that brought down the house, to a
toast complimentary of the One Hundred and Seventh Pennsylvania.
Colonel Davis, whose encampment is a paragon of neatness and comfort,
replied in his calm and witty way to a toast complimentary of the
Thirty-ninth Massachusetts. In the absence of Colonel Leonard, of
the Thirteenth Massachusetts, commanding brigade, Captain Porter,
assistant adjutant-general, was called up, and detailed Lieutenant
Bradlee to make a speech, which he did greatly to the amusement of
all.
At
about
eleven
o’clock
the
company broke up. Two or
three hours had been well enjoyed, and most of us emerged into the
pitch dark and rain of the night, to find our camps, and
thankful; I
trust, that they were still dry and comfortable. The occasion was
a happy one, marked by good feeling and sobriety.
Some
of
Those
Present
Chaplain Uriah
Balkam,
&
Dr.
Charles
Alexander, 16th Maine. Dr. Allston Waldo Whitney, 13th
Massachusetts. Chaplain Balkam authored the article about the
dinner. Doctors Alexander & Whitney provided entertainment
and toasted the returned Colonel.
Colonel Phineas
Stearns
Davis,
39th MA
and Colonel Thomas F. McCoy, 107th PA, each stood and gave praise and
toasts to their own regiments.
In the absence
of
Brigade
Commander Colonel S. H. Leonard, Captain Charles H. Porter,
[left] of the
39th MA called upon Adjutant David H. Bradlee, [right] the Colonel's
secretary
to make a few remarks in his stead.
The festivities continued the
next
day.
16th Maine, continued:
Tuesday forenoon, [March 29]
at nine o’clock,
some four or five hundred men from different regiments in the brigade
assembled near regimental headquarters. Soon after, the
battalion, in command of Sergeant-Major Stevens, led by the band,
doubled on the center in front of the colonel’s tent. Colonel
Tllden made his appearance, and accepted as a gift from the enlisted
men, the beautiful horse ridden by him yesterday, together with a
complete set of equipments. The presentation was made by
Sergeant-Major Stevens, in a feeling address. Colonel Tilden then
took by the hand those captured with him at Gettysburg.
The remainder of the day was
spent in
field
sports. In
the evening, the officers, with their guests, the brigade commander and
staff, and officers from other regiments, partook of a luxurious dinner
in the chapel. The rain, which commenced drizzling in the
morning, now came down in torrents.
View of Camp
Tilden,at
Mitchell's
Station, 1864.
Diary of Calvin
Conant, continued;
Tuesday, March 29, 1864.
Pleasant this
morning come up and rained at noon
continues to rain Big time to the 16 Maine Col Tilden come
back last night –– to day the Reg present him with a horse &
equipments also have a greasy pig
greasy poles and Sack races and a game of ball
for ten dollars Any quantity of Whiskey &
Ale I am on duty but managed to see part of the
Show Reg Inline Picket
From the Diary of
Samuel
D. Webster, continued:
Tuesday, March 29th, 1864
Col. Tilden of the 16th Maine,
who escaped from Libby with Col. Streight, arrived last night.
The 16th were to have a good time, but their ardor was damped by a
rain, today. However they had the greased pole; the pig
with a
greased tail (captured by a 13th fellow ––of course; the 13th
always does get away with the 16th somehow)
and the
Col. was presented with a very fine black horse. All very
affecting, etc. etc.
From, “Three Years
in the
Army,”
by
Charles E. Davis, Jr.:
Tuesday, March 29. An order was
received to-day
from General Warren containing the following paragraph:
III.
Details,
unless
otherwise
ordered, will be for one day only, and men must eat their breakfast
before leaving camp, and bring their dinner in haversacks.
What, in the name of all that
was good
and
holy,
came
over the honorable major-general when he penned that paragraph
about eating our breakfast and bringing our dinner was more than we
could guess. This was the first instance when any solicitude was
shown, after we had drawn rations, as to whether we ate them at once.,
or divided them into nine parts. “Bring their dinners in
haversacks” pleased us immensely.
The monotony of camp life was
relieved
to-day by a
celebration which took place in the camp of the Sixteenth Maine, in
honor of the return of its colonel, who had recently escaped from
Richmond. Greased pig, sack races, and base-ball were among
the list of sports marked out for the day’s pleasure. We had a
good time, and as the Maine boys had learned from experience not to
trust their pocket-books in reach of our substitutes, there was nothing
to mar the fun. One of the Thirteenth boys succeeded in capturing
the “greasy pig,” so there was fresh pork in camp.
Calvin Conant gets the last
word in
for
the
13th
MA on the last days of March, 1864. He tells us Colonel Leonard
is still trying hard to get his
men to re-enlist for an additional 3-year term of service.
Diary of Calvin Conant;
Wednesday, March 30,
1864. Wet
day the Reg was dis missed at Guardmount I am
off duty awful rainey night last night and very dark
Thursday, March 31, 1864.
Plesant
day
I am on duty drill fore and after noon
Col Leonard came over to day and talked to the boys to have them
Enlist about ––25 put down thier names as willing if the Majority
of the Reg was in favor if not thier Signatures to be of no
avail
The following is from, “The
Sixteenth
Maine
Regiment in the War of the Rebellion 1861-1865” by Major
A. R. Small; B. Thurston & company Portland, Maine 1886.
March 31, 1864
All quiet on Cedar Run, except
that infernal horn of the One Hundred
and Seventh Pennsylvania, which has volume enough to waken the
dead. The health of the regiment greatly improved during the
month of March, and no death was recorded, except at the division
hospital.
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